https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/list.php?mcode=msub1 ko-kr Tue, 28 Jul 2026 03:05:12 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/data/file/logo/1935654343_4tv8G2VN_m_logo.png https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/list.php?mcode=msub1 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11408 President Yoon Suk Yeol rebuking the special prosecutor on the 24th. [Court Video / Subtitled GIF from @birds_justice X account] A video capturing the live footage of President Yoon Suk Yeol’s final statement in court during the trial for the Marine Corps case on the 24th was released on the 27th, setting social media (SNS) ablaze.
The resolute tone and the atmosphere of the scene, which had only been partially conveyed through text in some media outlets, are now causing a stir as the actual video reveals the full context.
During the trial held by the 22nd Criminal Division of the Seoul Central District Court, President Yoon faced the special prosecution team directly and delivered a poignant, hard-hitting message in his signature firm yet calm tone: "I would like to ask the special prosecution team this as well. Do you all feel safe right now?"
He continued by systematically refuting the legal loopholes and the unreasonable nature of the special prosecutor's indictment.
President Yoon publicly warned, "If you have indicted me without grounds despite knowing that there was no abuse of power, falsification of official documents, or violation of the Public Official Election Act regarding the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO), then this itself constitutes an abuse of power, and, if necessary, could also be considered a violation of the political neutrality of public officials."
He lamented, "If an investigation is conducted in this manner without any clear evidence, what will become of our country?" He then strongly expressed the injustice of the investigation, stating, "I am currently being indicted and standing trial for many cases, but this is the first time I have made a final statement in such a manner," while pointing out that the special prosecutor's investigation itself could become a subject for future legal judgment.
President of the Republic of Korea, Yoon Suk Yeol. [GIF from @jujuju12211 X account] "All responsibility lies with me, the President... The others have no fault."
In his final statement that day, President Yoon drew attention by displaying "boss-like" accountability toward his staff and officials who were standing trial alongside him. He emphasized his diplomatic actions and constitutional authority in the process of state affairs, taking all responsibility upon himself.
He asserted, "Even if the court sees various materials that I have not seen and holds a different view from mine, this was a matter I pursued based on the President's constitutional diplomatic authority," adding, "Therefore, all responsibility belongs to me."
He then addressed the court, saying, "As far as I can see, the others present here have no particular issues. If the very act of pursuing this work is legally problematic, I ask that you hold only me accountable for it all," effectively defending the innocence of those standing in court with him and concluding with a sense of responsibility.
Unlike when the content of his court remarks was summarized and reported by the media, the dissemination of the video featuring President Yoon's actual voice and expressions has triggered an even more intense reaction on social media.
Netizens have flooded the platforms with supportive comments, such as: "I stand with President Yoon Suk Yeol until the end! (@51XX)," "The image of a true leader who is willing to take on the heavy burden of responsibility as the head of state. It really puts others to shame (@CoXX)," "The day will surely come when the sword of the special prosecution turns on you!! (daXX)," "A true man's man (@isXX)," "Yoon Again!! (@abXX)," and "Our true President... I hope you return soon.. (@ziXX)."
President of the Republic of Korea, Yoon Suk Yeol. [Screenshot from @yuyuyu_mimimi X account]
]]> Hur Kyoum Tue, 28 Jul 2026 00:50:18 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11407 People Power Party Representative Na Kyung-won. [Photo=Yonhap News] People Power Party Representative Na Kyung-won has issued a scathing critique, linking allegations of election commission computer manipulation, the court’s dismissal of search warrants, and the Democratic Party of Korea’s push for amendments to the Criminal Procedure Act, labeling the situation "the worst-case scenario where the rule of law and democracy in the Republic of Korea are being simultaneously insulted." On the 26th, Representative Na wrote on her Facebook page, "While the Democratic Party is pushing forward with legislation to completely abolish the prosecution's direct and supplementary investigation powers to suit their own narrative, they are obstructing the launch of a special counsel to investigate the National Election Commission’s (NEC) infringement on voting rights and their atrocities involving computer manipulation, which have shaken the very foundations of the nation." Representative Na also strongly condemned the NEC’s conduct, noting that evidence of real-time voter count manipulation, recently uncovered during the investigation into the commission, has been found not only in the Gyeonggi region but also in the Chungcheong area. She defined the act—which she described as "the brazenness of inputting 100 people as 1,000, then distributing the 900-person discrepancy across nine surrounding polling stations to force the numbers to match"—as going beyond simple dereliction of duty, labeling it clear "falsification of official electronic records" and "obstruction of justice" under the Criminal Act, as well as a grave "crime of destroying the constitutional order." Furthermore, regarding the court's rejection of search warrants for key evidence (messenger and email records) of NEC employees conspiring to "match the numbers without reporting to superiors," she intensified her criticism, stating, "It is as if the judiciary is taking the lead in buying time for criminals to destroy or manipulate evidence and providing them with an escape route." She added, "It is equivalent to government soldiers, who should be catching thieves, helping the thieves hide their ledgers," and pointedly asked, "This is why people are criticizing the judiciary and the NEC for acting as one body." She asserted that this warrant dismissal itself is a clear reason why a special counsel is necessary. Representative Na argued that the Democratic Party of Korea must be completely excluded from the formation of this special counsel for the NEC. She argued that the Democratic Party, which has acted as a shield by dismissing every point regarding the NEC's systemic corruption as a "conspiracy theory," would face a serious conflict of interest and obstruction of justice if they were allowed to participate in the recommendation of a special counsel. In addition, she demanded high-intensity, comprehensive verification regarding the scope of the special counsel's investigation. For an investigation without sanctuary, Representative Na argued that the scope should not be limited to superficial "tail-cutting" in select regions, but must be significantly expanded to include the entire central election commission's server computer records and past elections as a whole. In other words, she insists that verification and technical audits of access and modification logs, counting system algorithms, source codes, and counting logic are necessary, and that the contractual relationships with outsourcing firms must be thoroughly examined.
]]> Lim Yo-hee Mon, 27 Jul 2026 23:57:21 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11404 "He packages the achievements of others as his own, shifts the responsibility for his own wrongdoings onto his subordinates, and merely plays at being president by using supplementary budgets to distribute 'free money' to appease public resentment whenever it starts to grow."U.S. political columnist Gene Cummings has launched a scathing critique of Lee Jae-myung, comparing him to a gang leader. On the 27th, in a post on his Facebook page, Cummings directly targeted Lee, stating, "Gangster-like businessmen, much like the Dongdaemun division of the 1950s, use money to command people, travel abroad under the guise of market research or business inspections to squander money and enjoy vacations, and when problems arise at the company, they shift all responsibility onto their subordinates and even go so far as to interrogate them." He added, "Looking at the behavior Lee Jae-myung is currently showing, I cannot shake the thought that he is running the country in the same way gang bosses operate their business enterprises." A Series of Deaths Around Lee Jae-myung First, Cummings pointed out that "the people around Lee Jae-myung are continuously meeting mysterious deaths." "Yoo Han-gi, who was called the second-in-command of the Seongnam Development Corporation as the head of the development division, was found dead in December 2021, and Kim Moon-ki, who was in charge of the actual development work for the Daejang-dong project as the head of the First Development Department, was also found dead in his office in December 2021." He also noted the fact that the two men were found dead just 11 days apart. "Furthermore, Lee Byung-chul, a civic group representative who raised suspicions about Lee Jae-myung’s attorney fees being paid by others, was found dead in a Seoul motel in January 2022, and a person surnamed Kim, who was being questioned as a witness regarding Kim Hye-kyung’s corporate card scandal, was also found dead at their home in July 2022. Additionally, Jeon Hyung-soo, who served as chief of staff during Lee Jae-myung's tenure as mayor of Seongnam and governor of Gyeonggi-do, was found dead at his home in March 2023." Cummings stated that these mysterious deaths surrounding Lee and those occurring during his period in power continue even today, asking whether a situation where so many people around a single politician are found dead one after another could possibly be considered normal. In addition, he stated his position: "Even if these deaths are ultimately proven to be completely unrelated to Lee Jae-myung, I cannot accept the reality of entrusting the operation of a nation to such a figure. Regardless of left or right, I am judging and worrying that the individual named Lee Jae-myung himself could be a threat to the nation; I am not writing this to take sides with either the Democratic Party or the People Power Party." He further remarked, "I do not see Lee Jae-myung’s supporters as people with normal judgment. That thought was solidified particularly after watching a video of a woman saying, 'I am so fond of Lee Jae-myung that it brings me to tears.'" The Pinnacle of Irresponsibility Cummings stated that he is reminded once again of how dangerous it is to entrust a country to such a figure, noting: "Even though the nation is piled high with critical issues that need to be resolved, he encouraged citizens to invest in stocks even if they had to take on debt. Now that stock prices have plummeted and there are countless citizens who have lost their fortunes due to the leveraged investments he encouraged, he is shifting the blame onto others." He further raised his voice, arguing that Lee repeatedly escapes the country whenever there is a domestic crisis: "Even in a situation where concerns about crude oil supply were growing due to the Hormuz crisis and the public was worried about high oil prices, Lee responded by threatening gas stations, and he headed off on an unimportant visit to Singapore when there were urgent domestic issues at hand." He took issue with the fact that "despite the situation requiring measures to prevent instability in domestic crude oil supply, prices, and financial markets, the person who is president went abroad (Singapore) and returned after flaunting his intention to spend massive amounts of national funds by making extravagant investment promises (a plan to create a $300 million global mother fund, K-VCC, by 2030 and invest in AI and deep-tech startups in Korea and Singapore) that were neither urgent nor had clear outcomes." Moreover, he directly criticized Kim Hye-kyung, noting that she attended the 'Everyone's K-Pop' festival held at the Metropolitan Theater in Manila, Philippines, and "proposed on the spot to provide airfare to all four participating teams in addition to the winning team, showing off as if spending taxpayer money were spending her own money." He added, "While telling the public to tighten their belts due to crude oil supply issues, the Lee Jae-myung couple went around squandering the national budget abroad." Cummings emphasized that "what is more absurd is that when the domestic stock market plummeted while he was abroad, instead of examining the cause as president and preparing fundamental measures, he bypassed the issue by issuing instructions to 'release more money,' as if he were spending his own money." He bitingly criticized him, saying, "Lee Jae-myung’s method is no different from the typical operating style of a gang leader-type businessman, where when a problem occurs, the leader shifts the responsibility to his underlings while he hides in the background." Lee Jae-myung Spent One Out of Every Six Days Abroad Cummings also diagnosed that among Korea's past presidents, none had traveled abroad as frequently as Lee Jae-myung within about a year of taking office. He pointed out, "Lee Jae-myung has already embarked on his 12th overseas tour about 13 and a half months after taking office, surpassing Lee Myung-bak's record for the first year of his term. Since his inauguration on June 4, 2025, he has visited the G7 summit in Canada, visited Japan and the U.S. for a White House summit, the UN General Assembly in New York, the ASEAN summit in Malaysia, toured the UAE, Egypt, South Africa, and Turkey, visited China, visited Japan, paid state visits to Singapore and the Philippines, paid state visits to India and Vietnam, toured Belgium, the EU, Italy, the Vatican, and France, followed by the NATO summit in Turkey and a state visit to Mongolia, and is currently touring San Francisco, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Germany." According to his calculation, once Lee returns on August 3, his total time away from the country will reach 68 days. He pointed out that this equates to an average of 4.9 days per month over his 14 months in office—effectively spending nearly five days every month traveling abroad—which accounts for approximately 16% of his entire tenure, or spending one day abroad out of every six. "Lee Jae-myung is the first president in Korean history to have visited overseas so frequently within a year or so of taking office." What Did He Bring Back from Twelve Tours? Cummings also meticulously questioned what results, if any, Lee had brought back from his travels. According to him, "Although Lee Jae-myung has gone on twelve overseas tours in his one year since taking office, there are almost no achievements that the public can verify through numbers and contracts." He pointed out, "Every tour, they announced AI, core minerals, supply chains, defense cooperation, and various MOUs as achievements, but these are mostly nothing more than promises to cooperate in the future; it is difficult to find results confirmed by actual investments or orders." He criticized the recent San Francisco visit as being the same, saying, "Korean companies including Samsung, SK, and Hyundai were already pursuing cooperative projects with U.S. AI firms. Lee Jae-myung simply attended the event, took pictures and had drinks with big-tech CEOs, and then attached the name 'San Francisco AI Declaration,' presenting work that companies were already doing as his own diplomatic achievement." He argued that what actually came out on the ground were mostly 'requests to invest in Korea' and responses that they 'would cooperate in the future,' with no concrete investment amounts or finalized contracts. Cummings criticized him, saying, "In the end, he is packaging events organized by business people as his own achievements, and using that as a justification to travel around San Francisco, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Germany for a staggering 11 days." He added, "Moreover, Lee Jae-myung himself is not even properly fulfilling the investment promises already agreed upon with the U.S." He stated that in such a situation, he should be meeting with high-level U.S. government officials in Washington to resolve remaining issues and bring back concrete results, but instead, he is inserting himself into corporate AI events on his way to South America without any meetings scheduled with policy decision-makers, and promoting that as a diplomatic achievement. Cummings took issue with the fact that while domestic economic and political conflicts, as well as security issues, are erupting everywhere, Lee shifts the responsibility for those matters to others while he tours the world. Comparing him to a former president who also traveled frequently, he noted, "Lee Myung-bak had his controversies, but at least he showed the public what he brought back through his tours, such as nuclear power plant orders or construction contracts. Lee Jae-myung travels abroad more often than anyone else, yet there is not a single tangible achievement that the public can verify through numbers and contracts." Furthermore, he criticized Lee, saying, "He packages the achievements of others as his own, shifts the responsibility for his own wrongdoings onto his subordinates, and merely plays at being president by using supplementary budgets to distribute 'free money' to appease public resentment whenever it starts to grow." He especially emphasized that "while he wields the sword of legal punishment against those who criticize him, he himself is traveling abroad with his wife, simply enjoying a leisurely vacation." Finally, Cummings sharpened his tone, stating, "The very fact that such a person is sitting in the presidential seat of the Republic of Korea is a national disgrace." 

◆ Gene Cummings 
U.S. political columnist. After working at Channel 13 in Baltimore, Maryland, he served as Editor-in-Chief of the 'Sunday Times' (1994–1996) and Business Director of 'The Korean Weekly' (1996–2000), after which he founded 'The Asia Post.' He currently serves as a co-editor of The Korea Signal, a media outlet specializing in U.S.-Korea policy and security analysis.
]]> Lim Yo-hee Mon, 27 Jul 2026 21:45:28 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11405 The first-instance sentencing hearing for President Yoon Suk Yeol regarding violations of the Public Official Election Act is being broadcast live at Seoul Station on the 27th. [Photo=Yonhap News]President Yoon Suk Yeol’s legal team has expressed strong opposition and announced plans to appeal immediately following a district court’s first-instance ruling that sentenced him to a suspended prison term over remarks made during the 20th presidential election. On the 27th, the Seoul Central District Court ruled that remarks made by then-candidate Yoon during televised debates and media interviews constituted the dissemination of false information under the Public Official Election Act, sentencing him to one year and six months in prison, suspended for three years. In response, President Yoon’s side argued that the court distorted the intent and context of the remarks and imposed an excessive sentence by injecting political interpretations. Regarding the contentious remarks about former Yongsan Tax Office Chief Yoon Woo-jin, President Yoon’s team has consistently maintained that the point was that he "did not assist in the formal appointment of legal counsel." They hold that the court's categorization of these remarks as false, based solely on the perception of voters, is legally unsound, as a clear distinction must be made between private acquaintances or casual guidance and the formal appointment of a legal representative. Furthermore, regarding his relationship with Jeon Seong-bae, known as "Geonjin Beopsa," they argued that characterizing his statements as false based on subjective criteria such as the depth or frequency of interactions—occurrences common during the process of meeting numerous people as a candidate—is a ruling that unduly restricts autonomous party activities and freedom of expression during an election. In particular, conservative circles are criticizing the ruling as an instance of judicial overreach, arguing that punishing a presidential candidate’s spontaneous remarks or legitimate exercise of the right to clarify positions with strict criminal penalties distorts the political judgment of voters. If a sentence of a fine of 1 million won or more is finalized by the Supreme Court for this charge, the People Power Party would be required to return approximately 39.7 billion won to the National Election Commission, including the election expenses reimbursed from the previous presidential race. With tens of billions of won in election subsidies at stake, there is growing concern that this ruling carries the nature of political suppression aimed at the conservative camp as a whole. President Yoon’s side has emphasized that they will immediately appeal to rectify the court’s misunderstanding of legal principles and misapprehension of facts, adding that they will work to prove the truthfulness and legal legitimacy of the remarks in the higher court.
]]> Lim Yo-hee Mon, 27 Jul 2026 21:39:04 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11403 Famous Japanese mystery novelist Keigo Higashino [AFP=Yonhap News]It has been belatedly reported that Keigo Higashino, the "godfather of Japanese mystery novels" and author of bestsellers such as "The Miracles of the Namiya General Store" and "The Devotion of Suspect X"—works also famous in South Korea—has passed away from colon cancer.
According to local media including NHK on the 27th, the author passed away on the 23rd following a battle with colon cancer. He was 68.
Born in Osaka Prefecture and a graduate of the Department of Electrical Engineering at Osaka Prefecture University, he made his debut in 1985 at the age of 27 with the mystery novel "After School," which he wrote while working as an engineer.
The work won the Edogawa Rampo Prize, the most prestigious literary award for new mystery writers hosted by the Mystery Writers of Japan.
He left behind numerous works primarily in the mystery genre and gained immense popularity among readers both in and outside of Japan for his "Galileo" series, featuring a genius physicist, which began in 1998.
Higashino received the Mystery Writers of Japan Award in 1999 for "The Secret," and in 2006, he was awarded the Naoki Prize, the most prestigious award for Japanese popular literature, for "The Devotion of Suspect X."
"The Devotion of Suspect X," which depicts a genius high school math teacher attempting the perfect crime to help the neighbors he cares for, only to have it unraveled by his friend, also a genius physicist, even won the Honkaku Mystery Award, another prestigious mystery novel prize in Japan.
Works such as "The Devotion of Suspect X" and "Journey Under the Midnight Sun" were adapted into films in both Korea and Japan.
"The Miracles of the Namiya General Store," which won the Japan Central Public Interest Literature Award in 2012, was the work that made the name Keigo Higashino widely known in Korea, consistently ranking at the top of bestseller lists for years and selling over 1 million copies.
This work was also ranked as the 10th best-selling book of the past decade in data compiled by Yes24 last year.
He was known for being a prolific writer, having produced 106 solo works, a pace so rapid that some even questioned whether a single author could be writing them all.
According to Kodansha, Japan's largest publisher, which announced his passing, his total circulation in Japan reached approximately 109 million copies, and his books have been published in 41 countries.
In 2023, he was awarded a medal by the Japanese government, presented to individuals who have made outstanding contributions in fields including academics, arts, sports, and technological development.
Last year, to commemorate the 30th anniversary of his debut, he released "Masquerade Life," the fifth installment in his "Masquerade" series of mystery novels set in a hotel.
Even while battling cancer, he did not stop writing, and he had been scheduled to publish the latest full-length novel in the "Galileo" series, "Eternal Memory," on the 5th of next month.
According to Kodansha, his funeral was held privately with only family members in attendance, in accordance with the wishes of his bereaved family.
The publisher added that it would announce any future plans, such as a memorial service for the author, as they are decided.
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 20:16:34 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11402 Park Chan-ho (left), Lead Representative of Team 61, and John Fisher, Owner of the Athletics [Photo by Lee Dae-ho]'Korean Express' Park Chan-ho-led investment consortium 'Team 61' has entered into a strategic partnership with the MLB's Athletics, involving a $70 million (approximately 102.7 billion KRW) investment.
Team 61 announced on the 27th at the Grand InterContinental Seoul Parnas in Gangnam-gu, Seoul, that they have signed the strategic partnership with the Athletics, securing a stake in a Major League Baseball team—a first for Korean capital.
Park Chan-ho, the lead representative of the consortium, delivered the presentation himself, wearing a grey suit complemented by a green tie symbolizing the Athletics franchise.
John Fisher, the owner of the Athletics, also attended the event as a presenter.
The investment in the Athletics by Park's consortium, which had been discussed in and out of baseball circles since last year, has now been finalized through this partnership.
To date, $55 million of the investment has been completed, with the remaining $15 million set to be paid following the approval process by the MLB Commissioner's Office.
Through this partnership, Park Chan-ho will join the club as a Senior Advisor to owner John Fisher.
In this role, he will provide counsel on overall club operations, including player development and the establishment and implementation of strategies for the Asian market.
Team 61 is an investment consortium that includes Park Chan-ho, as well as Hollywood actors Ken Jeong and Daniel Dae Kim.
The Athletics, who are preparing for a relocation to Las Vegas, Nevada in 2028, have been seeking capital investment for projects such as the construction of their new stadium.
Team 61 emphasized that this investment is more than just acquiring a stake; it serves as a bridge for the future of Korean baseball.
Just as Park's entry into the U.S. led many Korean players to challenge themselves in the big leagues later on, they expect this connection with the Athletics to serve as a bridge for future generations.
Park Chan-ho stated, "During my playing days, as I introduced Korea to the Major Leagues and the Major Leagues to Korean fans, I learned how a small point of contact can create such significant change," adding, "As Korea is a baseball powerhouse with excellent fans and a player development system, I hope this exchange with Las Vegas will open up more opportunities for the next generation."
Athletics owner John Fisher responded, "Just as Park Chan-ho pioneered a new path for Korean and Asian players in the U.S., I believe this partnership, which marks the first-ever investment by Koreans in an MLB club, will create a positive impact for a long time to come."
The Athletics, founded in 1901 as a charter franchise of the American League, is a prestigious club with nine World Series titles and 15 American League pennants.
The team is also well-known in Korea as the real-life setting for the movie 'Moneyball.'
They have been raising funds for the construction of a new stadium ahead of their relocation to Las Vegas in 2028. (Yonhap News)
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:37:50 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11401  [Yonhap News file photo]The second comprehensive special counsel team led by Kwon Chang-young, which is investigating allegations of a "cover-up" for Kim Keon-hee during the Deutsch Motors stock manipulation probe, has launched additional raids on the Supreme Prosecutors' Office and the Ministry of Justice.
Special Prosecutor Kim Ji-mi stated in a briefing on the 27th, "We are currently conducting search and seizure operations at the Ministry of Justice, the Supreme Prosecutors' Office, and the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office in relation to the cover-up of the Deutsch Motors investigation."
The targets of the search include computers and messaging accounts used by then-Minister of Justice Park Sung-jae and the head of the Ministry's Criminal Planning Division, as well as servers of the prosecution's integrated information and communication network, where investigation records from the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office's Anti-Corruption Investigation Department 2 were stored.
Special Prosecutor Kim explained, "This search and seizure is intended to determine whether the Ministry of Justice, the Presidential Office, or Kim Keon-hee intervened in the process leading to the non-indictment of Kim Keon-hee, and to examine changes made to the investigative records of the Anti-Corruption Investigation Department 2 at the time."
The allegations of an investigation cover-up center on the claim that the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office dropped the case against First Lady Kim, who was identified as an accomplice, without a proper investigation while handling the Deutsch Motors stock manipulation case.
At the time, the Anti-Corruption Investigation Department 2, which led the probe, dropped the charges of violating the Capital Markets Act, concluding that Kim had merely entrusted her account management to Kwon Oh-soo, former chairman of Deutsch Motors and a representative of a listed company, and was unaware of the market manipulation scheme.
The special counsel team suspects that the top leadership of the prosecution, including former Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung, unfairly intervened in the decision to drop the case and in the manner of questioning Kim, which was conducted via a "field visit" rather than a formal summons.
The team also views as problematic the fact that the investigative team exchanged written responses with Kim's side prior to questioning and revised the "comprehensive investigation report" after the case was closed.
The special counsel team previously raided the Supreme Prosecutors' Office and the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office in March and April to secure related materials regarding the cover-up allegations.
Special Prosecutor Kim Ji-mi giving a briefing (Gwacheon=Yonhap News) Reporter Seo Myung-gon = Kim Ji-mi, a special prosecutor on the second comprehensive special counsel team, is briefing on investigation-related matters at the special counsel office in Gwacheon on the 20th. 2026.7.20 hwayoung7@yna.co.krThe special counsel team also revealed that it had sought an opinion from the special counsel for the insurrection case to determine whether to indict Cho Seong-hyun, the former commander of the 1st Security Group of the Army Capital Defense Command (colonel), who is suspected of participating in the insurrection.
The team is investigating the former colonel for his alleged role in carrying out a mission of importance for the insurrection, specifically focusing on the fact that he relayed the order to deploy to the National Assembly, given by former commander Lee Jin-woo, to the 2nd and 35th Special Mission Battalions.
In contrast, the previous insurrection special counsel team led by Cho Eun-seok had decided not to book the former colonel, concluding that he had responded passively to Lee's orders and ultimately refused to follow them.
Since the judgments of the two special counsel teams differ, the comprehensive special counsel team is expected to decide whether to proceed with an indictment after consulting with the previous special counsel team.
According to the amendment to the Comprehensive Special Counsel Act passed by the Cabinet on the 21st, the comprehensive special counsel team must consult with the previous special counsel in matters that could overturn the decisions of the three separate special counsels or affect the maintenance of public prosecution.
It is understood that the special counsel team has also requested the insurrection special counsel to provide a list of cases that were dropped in order to identify potential targets for further consultation.
Former Capital Defense Command 1st Security Group Commander Cho Seong-hyun arriving for 2nd special counsel questioning (Gwacheon=Yonhap News) Reporter Lee Jin-wook = Cho Seong-hyun, former commander of the Army Capital Defense Command's 1st Security Group, is answering questions from reporters as he arrives at the 2nd comprehensive special counsel office in Gwacheon, Gyeonggi Province, on the 15th for questioning as a suspect in a case involving carrying out a mission of importance for an insurrection. 2026.7.15 cityboy@yna.co.krFurthermore, the special counsel team announced that it plans to conduct additional questioning of former Minister of Land, Infrastructure and Transport Won Hee-ryong next week regarding the "Yangpyeong Expressway allegations."
Former Minister Won appeared before the special counsel team on the 23rd as a suspect on charges of abuse of power and was questioned for approximately nine hours.
The special counsel team stated that the travel ban on former Minister Won was not extended and has therefore been lifted, as he complied with the summons for his first questioning and is cooperating well regarding a second appearance.
An on-site visit and questioning are also scheduled for the 28th for former Minister of National Defense Kim Yong-hyun, who has been booked on charges of conspiracy to commit murder for the purpose of insurrection in relation to the "Noh Sang-won notebook." (Yonhap News)
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:33:34 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11400 Yoon Suk Yeol receives suspended prison sentence in election law case; People Power Party may have to return 39.7 billion won if upheld (Seoul=Yonhap News) Reporter Bae Jae-man = Former President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was put on trial for allegedly spreading false information during the 20th presidential election, has received a suspended prison sentence in the first trial. If this sentence is upheld, the People Power Party must return 39.7 billion won in election expenses reimbursed during the presidential campaign to the National Election Commission. The photo shows the People Power Party headquarters in Yeouido, Seoul, on the 27th. 2026.7.27 scoop@yna.co.krThe People Power Party launched a counterattack on the 27th, demanding the resumption of President Lee Jae-myung’s trial, as it faces the risk of having to return 39.7 billion won in election expenses to the National Election Commission following the first-instance suspended prison sentence handed down to former President Yoon Suk Yeol for violating the Public Official Election Act.
The party argues that President Lee's trial for violating the Public Official Election Act—for which the Supreme Court previously ordered a retrial with a guilty verdict—should also be resumed for the sake of fairness, and that the Democratic Party of Korea must also return its 43.4 billion won in presidential election subsidies if the sentence is confirmed.
However, there is also an atmosphere of bewilderment within the party over the unexpectedly heavy sentence, with some suggesting they must prepare for the final Supreme Court ruling.
Chief Spokesperson Park Sung-hoon stated in a commentary, "We will solemnly watch the Supreme Court's final judgment," while emphasizing, "The Democratic Party cannot be an exception. Once the remaining procedures for President Lee's case are concluded and the sentence is finalized, the Democratic Party must return the 43.4 billion won in presidential election funds that were reimbursed with the people's tax money."
He added, "While former President Yoon’s case requires waiting for the Supreme Court's final judgment, there is no reason for further delay in President Lee’s case since the Supreme Court has already reached a decision," and stated, "Follow-up trials for President Lee's case must be swiftly resumed and brought to a conclusion."
Five-term lawmaker Kwon Young-se also pointed out in a Facebook post, "If this ruling is maintained, the Supreme Court's 2025 remand ruling on President Lee must be resumed immediately. That would be fair."
An official from the floor leader's office also emphasized in a phone call with Yonhap News, "If the sentence for former President Yoon is finalized, the sentence for President Lee must also be finalized. That would mean the Democratic Party also has to pay back 43.4 billion won in election expenses."
Yoon Suk Yeol receives suspended prison sentence in election law case; People Power Party may have to return 39.7 billion won if upheld (Seoul=Yonhap News) Reporter Bae Jae-man = Former President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was put on trial for allegedly spreading false information during the 20th presidential election, has received a suspended prison sentence in the first trial. If this sentence is upheld, the People Power Party must return 39.7 billion won in election expenses reimbursed during the presidential campaign to the National Election Commission. The photo shows the People Power Party headquarters in Yeouido, Seoul, on the 27th. 2026.7.27 scoop@yna.co.krHowever, there is also an internal sense of embarrassment as the party faces realistic challenges if the ruling is finalized. This is because it is difficult to cover the 39.7 billion won return amount with current cash assets alone.
As of February this year, the People Power Party's total assets are approximately 131.5 billion won, most of which are real estate-related assets such as land, buildings, and lease deposits, while cash and cashable assets are reportedly only about 11.6 billion won.
Even those funds are difficult to use for the return payment because they must cover fixed expenditures such as payroll, office operating costs, and organizational activity expenses.
While one media outlet reported on the same day that the party might have to sell its Yeouido headquarters to secure the funds if the sentence against former President Yoon is confirmed, the People Power Party dismissed this, stating that selling the headquarters is not being considered a priority.
Chief Spokesperson Park met with reporters and said, "We are not realistically considering the sale of our headquarters. We are prepared at the party level," adding, "If we have to sell a headquarters, it would be more appropriate to sell the Democratic Party's headquarters, which is worth more."
A party official told Yonhap News, "If President Lee’s trial remains stalled while only the People Power Party receives a final conviction, wouldn't party members and the public be outraged?" and added, "Selling the headquarters is an exaggerated scenario because the money can be sufficiently raised through donations or loans."
Another official stated, "Based on the market value of the building, collateral loans are more than feasible," and noted, "We are not even reviewing the sale of the building." (Yonhap News)
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:29:24 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11399 Democratic Party Representative Candidates Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae, and Song Young-gil [Photo by Shin Hyun-woo]On the 27th, candidates for the Democratic Party's leadership focused their efforts on winning the support of party members in the "Central Region," the first stop on the campaign trail for the August 17 national convention.
As the "bandwagon" effect—the tendency for voters to lean toward the frontrunner—from the first round of voting is expected to influence the rest of the convention, candidates Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae, and Song Young-gil staked their political lives on securing votes in the Chungcheong region.
The Democratic Party will hold voting for delegates and eligible party members in South Chungcheong, North Chungcheong, Daejeon, and Sejong starting on the 28th, with results to be announced on the 1st of next month.
Candidate Kim met with Sejong Mayor Cho Sang-ho at the Sejong City Hall that day, stating, "Our government's top national agenda was the 'Sejong Administrative Capital,'" and pledged to push for a special act to establish Sejong as the administrative capital.
At a meeting with party members in North Chungcheong held at the Cheongju Urban Regeneration Hub Center, Candidate Kim directly targeted Candidate Jung, stating, "We must put an end to the 'clash of the Ming and Qing' (a play on names referring to internal conflict) between the party and the government" and "We cannot have an anti-Lee (Jae-myung) leadership."
Following a meeting with party members in Daejeon the previous day, Candidate Jung held a similar meeting in North Chungcheong that evening.
On Facebook, Candidate Jung emphasized, "Jung Chung-rae, the son of Chungcheong, born in Chungcheong and raised in Daejeon. Only the will of the people, the will of the party, and the heart of the region. A powerful reformist party representative," adding, "I will make the Chungcheong region more convenient through the construction of a national railway network and the expansion of the metropolitan transportation network."
Candidate Song held a press conference at the South Chungcheong Provincial Office, promising, "I will make South Chungcheong the AI capital and extend the GTX-C line to Cheonan-Asan."
In the afternoon, he held town hall meetings for party members in South Chungcheong and Sejong.
Candidates Kim and Jung also clashed over the "alleged political interference by Shincheonji."
When Candidate Jung criticized the Shincheonji allegations raised by Kim as harmful to the party, Candidate Kim retorted, calling the criticism "foolish sophistry."
During a party member meeting, when asked by a member to stop mentioning Shincheonji, Candidate Kim replied, "I don't like it either, but we can't pretend it's not there," adding, "It is the responsibility of the party leadership to act decisively and wisely while minimizing harm to the party."
In response, Candidate Jung appeared on the YouTube channel 'Mae-bul Show' the same day, characterizing the situation as the "Shincheonji incident" and criticizing, "They attacked the party and the party members. They have put the party at risk of being labeled an unconstitutional political organization."
He urged, "If these were absurd claims, the person who raised them should be disciplined."
Democratic Party Representative Election narrows to a three-way race between Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae, and Song Young-gil (Seoul=Yonhap News) Reporter Shin Hyun-woo = The race for the Democratic Party representative at the August 17 national convention has narrowed to a three-way contest between candidates Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae, and Song Young-gil (in order of ballot numbering). On the 23rd, candidates (from left) Kim Min-seok, Jung Chung-rae, and Song Young-gil, who passed the Democratic Party's preliminary primary for representative, are giving their greetings at the National Assembly Members' Office Building. 2026.7.23 scoop@yna.co.kr
Conflict also persisted over the "Shincheonji allegations" between the pro-Lee (Jae-myung) faction and the candidates for Supreme Council representing the pro-Jung (Chung-rae) faction.
Pro-Lee Supreme Council candidate Park Sun-won stated on CBS Radio, "According to current reports, there were attempts to support anti-Lee candidates during last year's Democratic Party presidential primary," adding, "I suggested that since this (Shincheonji issue) should not hijack the convention, we should investigate it by establishing a body within the party after the convention."
Conversely, pro-Jung candidate Choi Min-hee pointed at Candidate Kim on YTN Radio, stating, "One must raise allegations with solid evidence and be cautious. It could put the party at risk."
Pro-Lee Supreme Council member Kang Deuk-gu countered at a Supreme Council meeting held at the National Assembly, regarding a demand by pro-Jung Supreme Council member Park Gyu-hwan that Candidate Kim should lose his candidacy and be reported if he fails to provide evidence for the Shincheonji allegations, saying, "If it is true that a specific religious group intervened, that is election fraud; how can raising that suspicion be considered election fraud or harmful to the party?"
In response, pro-Jung Supreme Council member Moon Jung-bok argued, "The situation is turning into one where party members are being branded as Shincheonji followers and the party is suffering the disgrace of being accused of having Shincheonji interfere in party affairs. The candidate who raised the issue should naturally present the evidence, and the party must investigate it accurately."
Senior Spokesperson Kang Joon-hyun met with reporters at the National Assembly and said regarding the Shincheonji allegations, "It has not been discussed at the Supreme Council level," adding, "I am not aware of any relevant tips yet. We are closely monitoring the investigation by the joint investigation headquarters." (Yonhap News)
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:25:58 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11398 People Power Party lawmakers Cho Kyeong-tae (from left), Jin Jong-oh, and Kwon Young-jin [Photo by Bae Jae-man, Shin Hyun-woo, Hwang Kwang-mo]On the 27th, the People Power Party’s Central Ethics Committee held a plenary session and initiated disciplinary proceedings against six-term lawmaker Cho Kyeong-tae, pro-Han (pro-Han Dong-hoon) first-term lawmaker Jin Jong-oh, and two-term lawmaker Kwon Young-jin.
This move realizes the "politics of discipline" aimed at establishing internal party order, which Chairman Jang Dong-hyuk had signaled shortly after the June 3 local elections. It is expected to lead to internal strife due to the intense conflict between the party leadership and the anti-Jang faction.
The People Power Party Ethics Committee announced through a press release that it held a closed-door meeting at an undisclosed location in Yeouido starting at 2:00 p.m. that day and reached the decision.
This was the third meeting held since the June 3 local elections. Despite speculations that initiating disciplinary action might be difficult because only three out of five members—including Ethics Committee Chairman Yoon Min-woo, excluding those who resigned—attended, it appears the committee proceeded with the decision as the quorum was met.
Six-term lawmaker Cho Kyeong-tae, the most senior member of the party, was referred to the Ethics Committee for allegedly calling lawmakers from the Democratic Party of Korea and other parties to campaign against Park Duck-hyum during the parliamentary plenary session held to elect the opposition-held Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly.
First-term proportional representative Jin Jong-oh, classified as a pro-Han faction member, was referred to the committee for supporting independent candidate Han Dong-hoon in the Busan Buk-gap by-election despite the presence of a People Power Party candidate. Chairman Jang Dong-hyuk had previously ordered an investigation into the matter after media reports surfaced that Jin had secured housing in Busan Buk-gap to assist Han's campaign.
While there had been speculation both inside and outside the party that a large number of pro-Han lawmakers who accompanied Han during his Daegu schedule last March—including Kim Ye-ji, An Sang-hoon, Jin Jong-oh, Jung Sung-kook, Bae Hyun-jin, Woo Jae-jun, and Park Jung-hoon—might face disciplinary action, it appears the committee chose Jin as the primary target instead of widening the "front," as he had publicly disclosed securing housing and sent aides to assist the campaign.
Two-term Daegu lawmaker Kwon Young-jin was referred to the committee for causing a disturbance by questioning the criteria for the distribution of second-half National Assembly standing committees, and for confronting Floor Leader Jung Jeom-sik with loud protests and grabbing his collar.
The party leadership had reached a consensus at the Supreme Council meeting earlier that day to recommend Kwon's voluntary departure from the party, stating that if he refused, they would pursue the highest level of discipline, including expulsion. It is reported that the Ethics Committee decided to initiate disciplinary proceedings independently, regardless of the leadership's stance.
Since Kwon has been active in the reform-oriented group "Alternatives and Future" and has called for Chairman Jang's resignation, some have suggested that the "rapid-fire" disciplinary decision was made under Jang's leadership. However, the party leadership maintains that it is "a matter of establishing party order, and is a completely separate issue with no connection."
Considering previous disciplinary precedents set by the committee, it is expected that a decision on whether to impose disciplinary measures will be reached by next month at the latest, following a process of hearing from the individuals involved.
The Ethics Committee can impose disciplinary actions such as ▲ expulsion, ▲ recommendation to leave the party, ▲ suspension of party membership, or ▲ a warning.
Although party rules allow for bypassing the hearing process with a majority vote of the members present, it is expected that the committee will follow procedural requirements, especially since previous decisions against pro-Han lawmakers Bae Hyun-jin and former Supreme Council member Kim Jong-hyuk were invalidated by court injunctions suspending their efficacy.
A party official told Yonhap News, "Now that the disciplinary procedure has been initiated, we will send questionnaires, hear their explanations, and then discuss the necessity and level of disciplinary action at a future meeting to make a final decision." [Yonhap News]
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:20:31 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11397 An official from the People Power Party submits an election appeal to an official at the National Election Commission (NEC) in Gwacheon, Gyeonggi Province, on June 17, 2026, regarding the ballot shortage during the June 3 local elections. An election appeal is a required legal procedure before the validity of a local election can be contested in court. [Photo=Yonhap News][The National Election Commission (NEC) held its first formal hearing on the 27th regarding election appeals filed in relation to the June 3 local elections.People Power Party Representative Jang Dong-hyeok personally presented oral arguments, raising issues regarding the shortage of ballots, voting suspensions, and the modification of computerized figures, asserting that if the NEC fails to clarify these suspicions, a re-election must be held.However, limiting the significance of an election appeal solely to the possibility of invalidating an election and holding a re-election would fail to capture the true essence of the process.Election appeal reviews generally have two major effects.First, it serves as a legal mechanism that allows the validity of an election to be contested in the Supreme Court or a High Court.Second, it has a political and institutional effect by creating an official record of what facts the NEC investigated and what materials it failed to verify.Today, we will examine why election appeals are a necessary gateway for judicial proceedings, what political implications remain even if they are dismissed, and the inherent limitations of a structure where the NEC—the body under scrutiny—is responsible for its own evidence investigation and validity assessment.Hello. This is the Hanmi Ilbo Issue Diagnosis.Today, we will discuss the two effects of election appeal reviews with our editor, Kim Young. Editor Kim, hello.] Yes, hello.
Officials from the National Election Commission review the June 3 local election appeal submitted by the People Power Party on the 17th of last month. The NEC must reach a decision on appeals regarding local government head and proportional representative councilor elections within 60 days of the filing date. [Photo=Yonhap News] [First, what is the specific nature of the procedure the People Power Party has requested through this election appeal?] Looking at the publicly disclosed grounds for the appeal, it is not merely a procedure to challenge the eligibility of a specific elected official or the determination of a winner. They are asking for a judgment on whether the election itself can be considered valid, given the illegalities in the administrative process, such as ballot shortages, voting interruptions, and omissions in the electoral register. The Public Official Election Act distinguishes between the 'validity of an election' and the 'validity of an election victory' in local elections. An appeal regarding election validity contests whether the election procedures themselves—such as voting, ballot counting, and tallying—were conducted legally. An appeal regarding victory validity argues that while the election itself may be valid, there were issues with a specific winner’s eligibility or the process by which they were declared the winner. On June 17, the People Power Party filed appeals under the name of its central party for elections in Seoul, Gyeonggi, Incheon, Ulsan, Busan, Gwangju, South Jeolla, and North Chungcheong, while separate appeals were filed in the names of candidates for Daejeon, South Chungcheong, Sejong, and North Jeolla. However, since the original texts of the appeal documents have not been made public, it is difficult to confirm from public materials alone whether they have requested the invalidation of the entire election or only of specific voting districts where issues occurred. [What conditions must be met for an election to be declared invalid?] Two conditions must be met simultaneously. First, there must be a violation of regulations or a significant flaw in the management of the election, such as in voting, counting, or tallying. Second, it must be recognized that this violation had an impact on the election results. Therefore, an election does not automatically become invalid just because ballots were in short supply or voting was suspended. One must determine whether there were actual voters who were unable to exercise their right to vote, the scale of such voters, and whether, considering the vote margin between candidates, there was a possibility that the outcome could have been different. The same applies to the modification of computerized figures. If statistics on the number of voters or voter turnout were modified without following normal procedures, that is a significant management issue. However, whether that modification was merely a statistical correction or if it actually impacted the number of votes per candidate or the election results must be verified separately through original source data and change logs. [Then, based on the facts currently disclosed, isn't it highly likely that the appeal will be dismissed?] It is difficult to conclude that. It is true that based only on the data released so far, proving an impact on election results seems difficult. However, most of the core data is held by the NEC. It is difficult for an ordinary appellant to secure records of ballot printing, distribution, and additional shipments, voting suspension incident reports, voter turnout by time of day, initial computerized input values, pre- and post-modification data, and access and change logs by account. Demanding that the appellant fully prove changes in votes per candidate or organizational instructions before sufficient investigation and evidence gathering have taken place is an virtually impossible order. The election appeal process follows administrative litigation procedures, including the right to demand document submission, evidence investigation, and ex officio examination. Therefore, if specific abnormalities have been raised, the adjudicating body must demand relevant data and verify the facts. [But if the NEC itself conducts that evidence investigation, isn't that like 'letting the cat guard the fish'?] That is precisely the greatest structural limitation of these appeals. Formally, a higher-level NEC reviews the administrative actions of a regional NEC. The Central NEC judges appeals for local government heads and proportional representative councilors, while the municipal or provincial NECs judge appeals for local council members and lower-level government heads. However, in reality, it is all the same NEC organization. The agency that managed the election is the NEC; the agency that holds the original data and servers is the NEC; and the agency that decides what data to investigate and makes the primary determination on the validity of the election is also the NEC. If the suspicions go beyond simple mistakes by specific polling station staff and point toward the Central NEC’s operational guidelines, computer systems, or command and oversight responsibilities, it is inevitable that the Central NEC will be criticized for being unable to be seen as an independent third-party adjudicator. Even if the committee members judge independently, the issue of the independence of the evidence investigation remains if the NEC secretariat is the one selecting and submitting the server originals, logs, internal documents, and staff testimony that serve as the basis for the judgment. Members of the National Assembly's Special Committee on the Fact-Finding Investigation of the Infringement of Suffrage during the June 3 Local Elections attempt to enter a ballot counting station at Olympic Park in Songpa-gu, Seoul, on the 2nd for an on-site investigation. If key materials are not sufficiently investigated during the election appeal, calls for external investigations may increase. [Photo=Yonhap News][The NEC that received the appeal must make a decision within 60 days. Can they properly uncover the facts within this period?] In reality, it is not easy to uncover the full extent of the computer-related suspicions. The Public Official Election Act stipulates that the Central NEC or the municipal/provincial NEC that receives an appeal must make a decision within 60 days from the date of filing. However, it is difficult to finish server forensics, comparison of original and backup data, analysis of modification logs by account, confirmation of internal instruction chains, and a full investigation into whether the same methods were repeated in other regions within 60 days. Moreover, the evidence-gathering authority for election appeals does not include compulsory investigative powers such as search and seizure. If NEC staff refuse to submit data, or if one needs to confirm recovered deleted files, staff-to-staff messenger and email exchanges, and organizational collusion, the compulsory investigation by law enforcement agencies may be necessary. Ultimately, 60 days is less of a period to finally uncover the truth behind all suspicions and more of a procedural deadline to complete the primary administrative review of election validity before moving to the court stage. [Then what is the first effect of the election appeal review?] It opens a legal gateway to contest the validity of the election in the Supreme Court or a High Court. For local councilor and local government head elections, one cannot immediately file an election invalidation lawsuit in court; one must first go through the election appeal process. If an appeal is dismissed or rejected, an election lawsuit can be filed within 10 days from the date of receiving the decision letter. If the NEC does not reach a decision within 60 days from the filing date, one can also proceed to court within 10 days after that period ends. The Supreme Court handles elections for local government heads and proportional representatives, while the competent High Court handles elections for local council members and lower-level government heads. Therefore, just because this appeal is dismissed by the Central NEC does not mean the legal process is over. On the contrary, as the decision document documents what the Central NEC recognized as fact, which arguments were dismissed, and what data was or was not investigated, the issues to be contested in court become more concrete. The first effect of an appeal is that it is a mandatory gateway to reaching the court. People Power Party Representative Jang Dong-hyeok explains the contents to be addressed in the election appeal at the National Assembly on the 27th, holding up an article regarding the NEC's modification of voter counts. Representative Jang asserted that if the NEC cannot clarify the suspicions of modifying computerized figures, a re-election must be held. [Photo=Yonhap News][Is the second effect a political one?] Yes, that is correct. Suspicions raised at press conferences or rallies can be dismissed as mere political rhetoric. However, when an appeal is filed, the NEC must hold a hearing and issue a decision according to the law. It must deliver the original decision to the parties involved and also announce the gist of the decision. The focus also shifts from vague 'election fraud controversy' to specific issues of institutional responsibility. They must officially respond to how long voting was suspended at which polling stations, whether there were actual voters who gave up voting, how additional ballots were supplied, who had the authority to modify computerized figures, and whether they checked the originals before modification and the change logs. If the NEC sufficiently investigates the core data and presents objective verification results, it becomes a basis for clearing up suspicions. Conversely, if they conclude that "there is no evidence that it affected the election results" without checking the original data and modification logs, the political repercussions could grow even larger. This is because it creates a circular structure where the agency with the data does not disclose it, the appellant cannot prove their case because they lack the data, and the adjudicating body dismisses the case on the grounds of insufficient proof. [Aren't there reports that regional NECs have already submitted opinions for dismissal?] Some regional NECs, such as Busan and Daegu, have submitted written responses to the Central NEC with the intent that the appeal should be dismissed. However, this is merely the opinion of the responding side, not the final dismissal decision made by the Central NEC. The Seoul Metropolitan Election Commission did not provide a definitive dismissal opinion but instead submitted a response asking the Central NEC to judge carefully in accordance with parallel procedures and legal reviews. The fact that the regional responses are inconsistent itself shows that it is difficult to handle the ballot shortage situation simply as a blanket on-site mistake. The Central NEC must judge case-by-case what actually happened in each region. [Are you saying that even if an appeal is dismissed, a political significance remains?] Yes, on the condition that it is handled properly. If the People Power Party demands specific data submission and evidence investigation, and the decision document records exactly what the NEC investigated, a dismissal can serve as a starting point for the next phase. In court proceedings, one can again demand the submission and verification of data that the Central NEC failed to investigate. If the NEC refuses to check core data or reaches a conclusion based only on its own investigation, the political argument for a parliamentary investigation or an independent special counsel will gain traction. Conversely, if the People Power Party only puts forward the political slogan of a re-election but fails to apply for specific evidence gathering regarding original data, modification logs, and voting suspension records during the appeal process, the appeal may end up being merely a political performance. The political effect of an appeal is not something that occurs automatically. What the appellant demanded and what the NEC investigated must be made public.
Kang Dong-wan, Deputy Secretary-General of the National Election Commission, and other NEC officials visited Songpa-gu Office, Seoul, on the 24th to apologize for the ballot shortage that occurred during the June 3 local elections. While management responsibility and election invalidity are distinct, the appeal review must assess both the scope of management illegality and its impact on the election results. [Photo=Yonhap News][Ultimately, how should the success or failure of this election appeal be judged?] It should not be judged solely by whether it was accepted or dismissed. First, one must look at whether issues and evidence have been formalized so that the validity of the election can continue to be contested in court. Second, one must verify to what extent the NEC investigated the original data and computerized records it holds. Third, one must examine whether the items not investigated and the reasons why are specifically included in the decision document. The first effect of an election appeal review is the legal effect of connecting election disputes to the Supreme Court and High Courts. The second effect is holding the agency accountable politically and institutionally by leaving a record of what the NEC investigated and what it ignored. If the NEC dismisses the appeal without sufficient evidence investigation, this question remains: “Was it dismissed because there was no evidence, or was there no evidence because it wasn't investigated?” Ultimately, the true meaning of this election appeal does not lie solely in getting a re-election immediately. It lies in opening the path to re-contest election validity in court and leaving the NEC's investigation and judgment as an official record before the public. [Thank you for your thoughts today.] Thank you. [So far, we have discussed the significance of the election appeal case with our editor, Kim Young.]
]]> 한미일보 영상부 Mon, 27 Jul 2026 19:04:19 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11396 Seo Young-kyo, Chair of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, strikes the gavel at a plenary session held at the National Assembly on the 27th. On this day, the committee tabled four special counsel bills related to the ballot shortage incident during the June 3 local elections. [Photo=Yonhap News] On the 27th, the National Assembly's Legislation and Judiciary Committee began deliberations on four so-called "special counsel bills on election fraud." However, none of the bills include the two core areas of suspicion that a special counsel must investigate as independent subjects of investigation. These include the suspicions of computerized manipulation of voter counts and turnout rates that emerged after the bills were proposed, the "number matching" allegations, and the entire early voting process, from the issuance of ballots to the management of integrated voter lists and ballot boxes. The bills tabled before the committee include those proposed by Reps. Baek Hye-ryun and Kim Eun-hye, the Democratic Party’s official proposal led by Rep. Han Byung-do, and the People Power Party’s official proposal led by Rep. Yoo Sang-bum. The Legislation and Judiciary Committee plans to refer these to a subcommittee for consolidated deliberation. While the ruling and opposition parties have agreed on a method to recommend special counsel candidates through a citizen recommendation committee, they still need to further negotiate the scope of the investigation, the size of the personnel, and the duration of the investigation. Source: Original text, reasons for proposal, and key contents of the bills disclosed by the Ministry of Government Legislation's Citizen Participation Legislation Center, linked to the National Assembly's Legislative Information System. The recommendation method is based on the original proposals.As shown in the table, the four bills differ in personnel, duration, and recommendation methods. However, what will determine the effectiveness of the special counsel is not the number of investigators, but rather what is included in the investigation clauses of the final consolidated bill. Scope of investigation for the 4 bills The Baek Hye-ryun bill focuses on: △ the cause of the ballot shortage and the reduction in print volume, △ budget execution for printing and distribution, △ response on election day, and △ potential cover-ups and destruction of evidence. The Kim Eun-hye bill mandates investigation into: △ the circumstances behind preparing fewer ballots than the number of voters, △ the decision to continue voting and counting despite the ballot shortage, △ the removal and transport of ballot boxes, △ the use of police force against citizens, and △ potential cover-ups and obstruction of the investigation. The Han Byung-do bill covers: △ the process of lowering the minimum printing threshold for main election ballots from 60% to 50%, △ the circumstances behind the Secretary-General’s final approval, △ the reporting and command chain between the central and regional election commissions, △ the illegality of extending voting hours and proceeding with counting, △ dereliction of duty and abuse of power, and △ potential cover-ups. The Yoo Sang-bum bill includes: △ infringement of suffrage, △ allegations of proceeding with counting without data preservation, △ damage to ballot box seals and procedures for removal, transport, and opening, △ discovery of ballots from other regions, △ abnormal counting data, △ possibility of duplicate voting, △ inaccuracies in the voter list, △ discrepancies between the budget and actual printing/supply volume, and even suspicions of identical or similar electoral fraud. While the Democratic Party's bill is structured to hold the election management process accountable administratively and criminally, the People Power Party's bill is structured to verify the entire electoral process from voting to counting. However, even in the broadest bill, the Yoo Sang-bum bill, the suspicions of computerized manipulation of voter counts and turnout rates and the entire early voting process are not explicitly stated as independent subjects of investigation. This is because all four bills originated from the ballot shortage incident on the main voting day of the June 3 local elections. First gap... 'Computerized manipulation suspicions' that emerged after the bills were proposed The joint investigation team of police and prosecutors is looking into circumstances where some election commission staff failed to correct input errors in voter counts according to established procedures, instead adjusting figures at other polling stations to make the overall totals match. According to the "History of Corrected Voter Count Reports by Time" received by Rep. Kim Eun-hye's office from the National Election Commission, 72 correction reports were made across 56 district/city/county election commissions nationwide on election day. The joint investigation team is examining the circumstances in which excessive input figures in some regions were distributed and reflected in other polling stations, and the possibility of instructions from higher-level officials. Whether individual changes were normal corrections of simple input errors or part of a systematic computerized manipulation or cover-up involving false entries must be determined through investigation. Voter counts and turnout rates are foundational data that link the number of ballots issued, the number of ballots cast, and the final counting results. If an input error is discovered, it must be corrected according to authorized procedures while preserving the original values and change history. However, the four current bills do not specifically mention: △ false input of voter counts and turnout rates, △ modification or deletion without due process, △ distributed adjustments using other polling stations, △ instructions or collusion for computerized manipulation, or △ suspected concealment or destruction of original data and change history. There is room to include these under "abnormal counting data" or "suspicions of identical or similar electoral fraud" in the Yoo Sang-bum bill. However, voter counts and turnout rates by time are statistics generated during the voting management stage rather than counting data. It is difficult to conclude that these suspicions are naturally included as subjects of investigation simply through umbrella clauses. As previously pointed out by the Hanmi Ilbo in "[Issue Diagnosis] Election Commission 'Computerized Manipulation' Suspicions... The Scope of the Special Counsel Bill Determines Success or Failure," if only the act of false input is investigated, it may end with the punishment of a few employees who participated in the so-called "number matching." To uncover the reality of the computerized manipulation suspicions, it is necessary to secure: △ the original election network database, △ initial input values, △ logs of entry, modification, and deletion, △ access accounts and approval history, △ backup data, and △ identical or similar cases in other regions. One must verify whether the same method was repeated in multiple regions to determine if it was individual misconduct or a result of instructions from superiors or systemic practice. Although new investigative issues have emerged since the bills were proposed, none of the bills include these actions as independent subjects of investigation. If this is not explicitly stated in the final consolidated bill, jurisdictional disputes may arise after the special counsel is launched regarding whether the servers and electronic information are directly related to the ballot shortage incident. Second gap... Where is the entire early voting process? The operational structure of early voting differs from main voting. While main voting ballots are printed in advance and distributed to each polling station, early voting ballots are printed on-site from an issuing machine after identity verification and checking the integrated voter list. Ballots from voters within the jurisdiction are placed in early voting boxes and transferred to the competent election commission for storage. Ballots from voters outside the jurisdiction are placed in return envelopes, sealed, and moved through the postal network to the election commission governing the voter's address. Therefore, to verify early voting, it is necessary to cross-reference: △ issuance records from ballot printing machines, △ access to the integrated voter list and markings of whether voting occurred, △ the actual number of ballots issued, △ classification of voters within and outside the jurisdiction, △ sealing, transport, storage, and opening of ballot boxes, and △ records of issuance, receipt, and transport of return envelopes as a single flow. The Yoo Sang-bum bill includes the possibility of duplicate voting, inaccuracies in the voter list, damage to ballot box seals, and the discovery of ballots from other regions. However, there is no independent investigation item that mandates verifying the connection between the issuance machines, the integrated voter list, the boxes for local/non-local voters, and the movement records of return envelopes. Specifying early voting as a subject of investigation does not mean presuming that the entire early voting process is fraudulent. It means verifying the suspicion and facts by using the computerized, issuance, storage, and return systems—which differ from those of main voting—as raw data. '2 million vulnerable voters' and postal returns must also be checked The Hanmi Ilbo reported in "[Investigation] Era of 2 Million Vulnerable Voters... Election Commission Has No Statistics" that simply adding up approximately 1.24 million dementia patients over 65 and 685,522 patients with severe mental illnesses other than dementia results in about 1.92 million people. This is a simple sum of different statistics and is not the confirmed number of voters with duplicates removed. The core of the report is that there are no election statistics to determine how many among these patients are actual eligible voters, how they voted, how much they participated in residence/facility voting, and whose help they received. If the special counsel examines election management outside polling stations, it is also necessary to check: △ residence voting reports and list preparation, △ receipt, marking, and return of ballots by facility residents, △ intervention and legality of voting assistants, and △ records of handover and transport of return envelopes. The Korea Post also participates in the return of early voting ballots from outside jurisdictions. Therefore, it is necessary to cross-reference: △ mail receipt, △ transport to central sorting offices and logistics facilities, △ departure and arrival times, △ quantity handed over/received at each stage, and △ delivery and election commission handover records with election commission data. Including the Korea Post as a subject of investigation does not mean designating the entire agency as a target of criminal suspicion. It is to verify whether the actual path of the external early voting ballots and the quantity at each stage match. Is the one-line 'cognized related case' clause sufficient? Each bill contains a comprehensive clause allowing for the investigation of related cases discovered during the investigation process. The Yoo Sang-bum bill even includes identical or similar electoral fraud suspicions raised nationwide or discovered during the investigation. However, relying solely on comprehensive cognition clauses can lead to disputes over how relevant a new case is to the original subject of investigation defined by law. If the special counsel bill centers on the ballot shortage, disputes are inevitable over whether it can investigate: △ suspicions of computerized manipulation in regions without ballot shortages, △ early voting issuance records, △ integrated voter list access data, and △ records of external early voting returns. To secure the original data to verify the connection, one must first have the authority to investigate that data. Writing the investigation subject clauses of the special counsel bill specifically can reduce jurisdictional disputes during the search-and-seizure and data submission stages. Han Sang-dae: "A Special Counsel Bill is a law that defines the authority and scope to verify suspicions" Former Prosecutor General Han Sang-dae (legal advisor to this paper) said in a phone call with the Hanmi Ilbo, "A special counsel bill is not a law that presumes suspicions are guilty, but a law that defines the authority and scope to verify those suspicions," adding, "Once computerized manipulation and early voting management are raised as core issues, if they are not explicitly specified as subjects of investigation, jurisdictional debates could break out even after the special counsel is launched." Park Joo-hyun, a lawyer specializing in defamation and election litigation, emphasized, "It is necessary to specifically mention the acts of inputting, modifying, or deleting voter counts and turnout rates, the election network originals and change history, early voting issuance and integrated voter list records, and the management process of local/non-local ballot boxes in the bill," adding, "One should not block the scope of the investigation if the goal is to uncover whether the suspicions are true or not." He continued, "The Korea Post should also be included as a subject of investigation for early voting." His point is that one can only verify the entire path of the ballots if the receipt, transport, and handover process of the external early voting return envelopes are checked. What the Legislation and Judiciary Committee needs to compromise on is not just the number of assistant counsel and dispatched prosecutors. If 'computerized manipulation suspicions' and 'the entire early voting process' are not explicitly stated as independent subjects of investigation in the final consolidated bill, it could end up as a 'half-measure special counsel' that misses the core issues despite deploying hundreds of personnel. △Baek Hye-ryun Proposal (2219127)https://opinion.lawmaking.go.kr/gcom/nsmLmSts/out/2219127/detailRP?yType=I△Kim Eun-hye Proposal (2219125)https://opinion.lawmaking.go.kr/gcom/nsmLmSts/out/2219125/detailRP?yType=I△Han Byung-do Proposal (2219873)https://opinion.lawmaking.go.kr/gcom/nsmLmSts/out/2219873/detailRP△Yoo Sang-bum Proposal (2219146)https://opinion.lawmaking.go.kr/gcom/nsmLmSts/out/2219146/detailRP?yType=I
]]> Kim Young Mon, 27 Jul 2026 15:28:24 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11395 People Power Party Representative Jang Dong-hyeok arrives at the Supreme Council meeting held at the National Assembly on the 27th. July 27, 2026. [Photo=Yonhap News] Jang Dong-hyeok, representative of the People Power Party, has bluntly labeled the National Election Commission (NEC), the Democratic Party of Korea, and the judiciary as “accomplices” regarding the infringement of suffrage during the June 3 local elections. At the Supreme Council meeting held at the National Assembly on the 27th, Representative Jang stated, “The NEC, which refuses to broadcast the proceedings live; the Democratic Party, which is delaying a special counsel investigation requested by the people; and the courts, which are rejecting search warrants for internal messengers, are all accomplices,” adding that “the public will never forgive this.” Representative Jang was holding each party accountable: the NEC for failing to open the election objection hearings to the public, the Democratic Party for stalling the special counsel investigation into the NEC, and the judiciary for dismissing warrants to search the internal messenger logs and emails of NEC officials. Representative Jang, who is scheduled to personally attend the oral arguments for the election objection at the NEC that afternoon, criticized the commission, noting that “the NEC ultimately refused the request for a live broadcast.” He further argued that it is difficult to accept why the hearing process is being kept private when evidence has emerged of not only a shortage of ballots but also circumstances suggesting that NEC staff arbitrarily adjusted the number of voters and turnout figures. He demanded that the NEC explain to the public what it is trying to hide. Representative Jang also raised concerns regarding the reliability of the NEC's computer network. He argued that if staff were able to arbitrarily change voter counts without following proper reporting and approval procedures, then the security of the computer system, which the NEC has long touted, can no longer be trusted. He urged a full-scale verification of the entire election computer network, stating, “If it is possible to manipulate computer data regarding voter turnout, then it is possible to manipulate vote counts or anything else.” Prior to this, after highlighting the issue of “election fraud” at a rally in Daegu on the 25th, Representative Jang wrote on Facebook on the 26th: “People called it a conspiracy theory when we alleged election fraud. Now it has been proven that such claims [by the other side] were the real conspiracy theory.” He added, “They insisted that computer manipulation was impossible, but now it has been revealed that it is possible.” Through his comments at the Daegu rally, on Facebook, and at the Supreme Council meeting, he has increasingly escalated his rhetoric, characterizing the NEC’s adjustment of digital figures as a case of “election fraud” and demanding a special counsel investigation and comprehensive verification. The joint investigation team of the prosecution and police has booked one official each from the NEC and the Gyeonggi-do Election Commission as suspects on charges of fabricating public electronic records and obstructing the execution of official duties, and has conducted searches of the NEC’s servers and offices. It is known that circumstances involving the dispersal of excess input voter numbers to other polling stations in two locations in Gyeonggi and one in the Chungcheong region have become subjects of the investigation. The joint investigation also uncovered evidence that NEC staff discussed so-called “number matching” strategies via internal messengers without reporting the input errors to their superiors. It is reported that these findings were first confirmed through messenger records secured during the search of the NEC last June. However, the court recently rejected parts of the search warrant requested by the joint investigation team concerning the messenger and email records of NEC staff. While warrants for the servers and offices were issued, the effort to secure communication records that would identify internal discussions, directives, and reporting lines has been stalled. Supreme Council member Kim Min-soo asked at the meeting, “If the turnout figures were altered, is the vote count safe?” His argument is that if the number of voters was matched not through normal correction procedures but by adjusting figures from other polling stations, then all other computer data that constitutes election results must also be verified by cross-referencing original data with modification records. The core of this investigation is not merely the existence of simple input errors. It lies in uncovering who became aware of the errors after they occurred, whose judgment led to the omission of proper reporting and approval procedures, and the extent to which the method of adjusting figures from other polling stations was employed. While one should not jump to conclusions about whether the vote counts for individual candidates were manipulated at this stage, it has become difficult to avoid demands for a thorough examination of all original election network data, input/modification/deletion logs, user access and approval records, and the reporting and directive systems between local and central election commissions, now that evidence of arbitrary adjustment of the baseline voter count has been confirmed.
]]> Hanmiilbo Politics Team Mon, 27 Jul 2026 12:38:48 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11394 [Source: Realmeter]Positive assessments of Lee Jae-myung's performance in state affairs stood at 46.3%, while negative assessments were at 49.5%. According to the weekly results for the 4th week of July released by Realmeter on the 27th, positive assessments were 46.3% (a 2.1%p decrease from the previous week), and negative assessments were 49.5% (a 1.5%p increase from the previous week). This evaluation marks the first time in three weeks since the first week of July that negative assessments have surpassed positive ones. Realmeter attributed this decline to factors including the controversy over apartment collateral transactions in Bundang, remarks regarding the strengthening of holding taxes, and policy conflicts related to supplementary investigative powers and leveraged ETFs. Regarding political party approval ratings, the Democratic Party of Korea stood at 41.3% (-1.8%p) and the People Power Party at 40.6% (+0.6%p), resulting in a 0.7%p gap, indicating a close race within the margin of error. Realmeter attributed the Democratic Party's decline in approval ratings to internal primary conflicts, such as controversies over party convention deposits and debates regarding alleged connections to the Shincheonji Church, combined with the burden of pushing for the abolition of supplementary investigative powers as a party platform. The increase in the People Power Party’s approval rating was attributed to them gaining reflexive benefits from the Democratic Party's internal conflicts and policy confusion, while simultaneously stepping up their offensive on issues like supplementary investigative powers and special prosecutors for real estate. Both surveys were conducted using an automated response method with randomly generated wireless telephone numbers. The survey on Lee Jae-myung’s performance of state affairs was commissioned by Energy Economy News and conducted by Realmeter among 2,505 people aged 18 and older nationwide from the 20th to the 24th of this month. The political party approval rating survey was conducted among 1,001 people aged 18 and older nationwide from the 23rd to the 24th. The response rate for the presidential state performance evaluation survey was 3.6%, with a margin of error of ±2.0%p at a 95% confidence level. The response rate for the political party approval rating survey was 4.3%, with a margin of error of ±3.1%p at a 95% confidence level. For more detailed information, please refer to the National Election Survey Deliberation Commission website.

]]> Lim Yo-hee Mon, 27 Jul 2026 12:13:44 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11393 The joint investigation team of the prosecution and police announced shocking findings that defy rational understanding, revealing that related to the manipulation of electronic records by National Election Commission (NEC) staff, voter counts were inflated by over 6,000 across 56 local election commissions on the day of the June 3 incident through 72 separate instances of voter manipulation. [Photo = Yonhap News]The joint investigation team of the prosecution and police announced shocking findings that defy rational understanding, revealing that related to the manipulation of electronic records by National Election Commission (NEC) staff, voter counts were inflated by over 6,000 across 56 local election commissions on the day of the June 3 incident through 72 separate instances of voter manipulation. The NEC’s computer system serves as the central hub for aggregating all election statistics; this electronic manipulation reveals that for them, the fairness and transparency of elections were non-existent from the start, and that they are a monstrous organization capable of overturning election results whenever they choose. The case for electoral fraud is closed based on this electronic manipulation alone. The June 3 incident was an act of election fraud that usurped national sovereignty by obstructing the people's exercise of their sovereign rights. It was a clear act of constitutional destruction that shook the foundations of democracy, a political upheaval that triggered a crisis in liberal democracy, and a fatal "insurrection" that usurped the legitimacy of the nation. While the NEC has long postured as a constitutional agency with extraterritorial immunity, even refusing audits by the Board of Audit and Inspection, and has claimed—while blinding and deafening the public—that scandals such as 878 cases of hiring irregularities and electronic manipulation could not exist, their conduct in manipulating voter counts at 56 commissions is an act of blatant constitutional disorder and treason that has brought down the Republic of Korea from within without firing a single shot. Reflecting on Trump’s speeches regarding election fraud, this was a meticulous and organized "insurrection" aimed at overthrowing the system by shaking the foundations of the nation in collusion with foreign forces. The June 3 incident has been revealed to be a power-oriented electoral fraud so meticulously, systematically, and elaborately planned that it eclipses the 3.15 election fraud of the Liberal Party regime in 1960. This June 3 incident constitutes a crime against the state that has toyed with the nation itself, reaching a point where every election held since the introduction of early voting must be suspected of fraud. There is no longer a need for exhaustive and exhausting debate or further proof regarding this election fraud. Emergency measures are now required to eradicate it. The impeachment trial of President Yoon, conducted while ignoring these circumstances of electoral fraud, is entirely null and void as it lacks procedural and legal legitimacy. We call for emergency measures including the following, starting with the immediate release of President Yoon Suk Yeol. One. We must complete the June 3 Sovereignty Struggle in the spirit of the April 19 Revolution. When the ruling and opposition political spheres, blinded by the preservation of their vested interests, and the polluted media turn away from the truth, the spirit of the April 19 Revolution—in which clear-souled youth and awakened citizens took to the streets to resist—is carried on by the spirit of the June 3 Olympic Park Sovereignty Struggle. The June 3 Olympic Park Sovereignty Struggle is a succession of the sacred spirit of the April 19 Revolution, which resisted the 3.15 election fraud, and serves as an act of resistance by each citizen acting as a constitutional agency to restore a trampled Constitution and violated sovereignty. Just as the world has progressed, we must use the immense power of public sentiment, born from non-violent conscience, to completely extract and eradicate the electoral fraud cartel that has usurped the sovereignty of the Republic of Korea. Two. All individuals involved in the electronic manipulation across 56 election commissions must be arrested and detained for investigation. The arbitrary manipulation of the NEC’s computer systems is a grave infringement of sovereignty that has violated the suffrage of all voters. This incident is an act of national destruction and a crime against the state, the likes of which should not exist in a civilized country. The investigating authorities must cross-examine the server's electronic records against the electoral roll and electronic image files to root out the masterminds, planners, and those involved in this deep-seated electoral fraud. This situation cannot be resolved with stopgap measures such as an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties for a special counsel or the resignation of a few individuals. We demand the immediate arrest and detention for investigation of key officials, including Noh Tae-ak and Wi Chul-hwan, as well as all participants in the electronic manipulation across the 56 local election commissions, followed by severe legal punishment. We urge those in the NEC involved in the electronic manipulation to cooperate in uncovering the truth and restoring the rule of law through declarations of conscience if they wish to avoid the maximum penalty, and we urge judicial authorities to impose maximum sentences on those involved in this election fraud through strict enforcement of the law. Three. Let us eradicate election fraud in the name of the people and normalize a free Republic of Korea. At this point, cowardly silence is merely complicity in the election fraud. For the sake of a free, just, and prosperous Republic of Korea that our children and descendants will inhabit, our conscience, driven to eradicate election fraud, will not tolerate hesitation or compromise. Ten million citizens must rise up in a great, bloodless "People Power" revolution. Citizens who have risen against the insurgent forces that usurped power through unjust electoral fraud will be recorded as the true protagonists who defended a free Republic of Korea and as contributors to the liberal democratization movement. Until the day we recover the sovereignty stolen by the election fraud cartel and normalize the Republic of Korea, we will never cease our righteous struggle to completely sweep away the forces of electoral fraud that have destroyed and plundered the foundations of our democracy.July 27, 2026All members of the Serverka 6.25 Save-the-Nation Comrades Association
]]> 서버까 Mon, 27 Jul 2026 11:33:56 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11382 Health Insurance Premiums (PG) [Yonhap News] The criteria for additional health insurance premium payments for office workers who earn income outside of their salaries—such as interest, dividends, or building rental income—are set to become significantly stricter.
As the deduction amount excluded from non-salary income is reduced from the current 20 million won to 10 million won, the burden of health insurance premiums for employed subscribers with side income is expected to increase further.
According to the healthcare sector on the 27th, the Ministry of Health and Welfare reported a reform plan for the health insurance premium assessment system, including these details, to the subcommittee of the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee held on the 23rd of this month.
Generally, health insurance premiums paid by office workers are divided into two types: "remuneration-based premiums" levied on the base salary received from the company, and "income-based premiums" levied separately on side income earned from interest, dividends, rentals, or business activities. Until now, even if office workers had non-salary income, they paid income-based premiums after deducting a certain amount.
One of the key points of this reform is to halve this deduction amount, used when calculating income-based premiums, from the existing 20 million won to 10 million won. The intention is to improve equity among subscribers by reducing the deduction benefit that was previously granted only to employed subscribers, unlike regional subscribers who pay premiums based on their total comprehensive income.
The deduction threshold for non-salary income for office workers has been continuously lowered from 72 million won in September 2012 to 34 million won in July 2018, and to 20 million won in September 2022.
Following the principle that the same income should be subject to the same insurance premiums, the government has been phasing out benefits that were provided only to a portion of all employed subscribers.
This measure will affect 1.78 million employed subscribers who will now have to pay additional income-based premiums or see their burden increase. This accounts for 8.9% of all employed subscribers. The government expects this reform to secure 707 billion won in annual health insurance revenue.
While implementing the national policy task of establishing fair assessment criteria, the government plans to invest the secured funds into essential areas such as expanding support for regional and essential medical care, and strengthening coverage for rare and severe diseases. 
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 10:03:01 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11381 Esmaeil Baghaei, Spokesperson for the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs [Xinhua, Yonhap News file photo]Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stated on the 26th (local time) that the exchange of messages between the United States and Iran, as well as the activities of mediating countries, are currently ongoing.
According to Iran’s state-run IRNA news agency, Baghaei confirmed the continuous communication between the two nations during an interview with the Austrian public broadcaster ORF that day.
Baghaei further remarked, "The Islamabad Agreement (the memorandum of understanding on ending the war) is not a long or complex document; it is merely a short memorandum consisting of 14 articles," adding, "Everyone around the world expected that, at least this time, the United States would keep its promise."
He condemned the U.S., stating, "However, the actions demonstrated by the United States constitute a flagrant and serious violation of several articles of this agreement, and with this, they have committed a diplomatic betrayal for the third time." 
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 09:02:01 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11380 Former Cheongju City Councilman Choi Young-joong [Captured from Cheongju City Council YouTube]Former Cheongju City Councilman Choi Young-joong, who is facing charges of child sex trafficking, appeared before police on the 26th for an intense 15-hour interrogation.
Former Councilman Choi arrived at the Cheongju Cheongwon Police Station around 2:00 PM on the 26th as a suspect on charges including statutory rape of a minor under the Act on Protection of Children and Juveniles against Sexual Abuse, production of sexual exploitation material, and solicitation of prostitution, and left the station at approximately 5:16 AM on the 27th.
Wearing a mask as he left the interrogation room, Choi responded to reporters' questions—such as "Did you commit these acts knowing the victim was a minor?" and "Are there other victims?"—by stating only, "As this is an ongoing investigation, I have cooperated diligently," before boarding a pre-called taxi.
While walking with his eyes fixed on the floor or directly ahead, he briefly glanced at reporters when asked, "Did you receive the party nomination knowing this was under investigation?"
This marks the second time former Councilman Choi has been summoned for police questioning, following his first appearance in May. It is his first public sighting since the police raid on the 15th after the case surfaced.
It is reported that during the interrogation, police questioned Choi on whether he had demanded nude photographs from the middle school student victim.
The investigation is also understood to have covered potential additional crimes, including whether there were other victims.
While it is not yet known how former Councilman Choi addressed the allegations during this round of questioning, he denied the charges during his first interrogation in May, claiming he "did not know the victim was a minor."
The police plan to decide on the next steps regarding his legal status soon, following an analysis of his statements.
A police official stated, "We cannot confirm specific details as the investigation is currently ongoing."
Former Councilman Choi is accused of engaging in sexual relations with a middle school student on three occasions over a one-year period starting in October 2024 in locations including a vehicle and a motel, and demanding that she take and send him nude photographs (charges include statutory rape of a minor, production of sexual exploitation material, solicitation of prostitution, and sexually exploitative conversation under the Act on Protection of Children and Juveniles against Sexual Abuse).
He is also charged with engaging in sexually explicit conversations, including offering the victim more money if she brought along a friend or sister, showing her videos of himself having sex with other women, and sending messages implying that they should engage in group sex with women of other nationalities.
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 07:53:01 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11379 Officials from the Joint Investigation Headquarters are seen leaving the National Election Commission (NEC) headquarters in Gwacheon on the 23rd after completing a search and seizure operation. The joint prosecutorial and police investigation team, formed to uncover the truth behind the ballot paper shortage, conducted raids starting this morning at the central NEC in Gwacheon, as well as the NEC offices in Songpa-gu, Gangnam-gu, and Seocho-gu. [Yonhap News]On the day of the June 3rd local elections, the National Election Commission (NEC) received a total of 72 requests to revise voter turnout reports, with some instances showing voter numbers increasing by over 6,000 or revisions being made as late as 12 hours after the fact.
Furthermore, the reasons for these revisions were not clearly documented, indicating a "haphazard" approach to the management of election data.
The joint investigation headquarters, which is looking into allegations of "voter turnout manipulation" by the NEC, has secured these records and is now verifying whether there are additional instances where staff may have manipulated statistics without leaving an audit trail.
According to the "Time-series Voter Turnout Revision History" submitted to the office of Representative Kim Eun-hye of the People Power Party by the NEC on the 27th, the NEC received a total of 72 revision reports from 56 district, city, and county election commissions across the country on the day of the local elections.
Given that there are 255 district, city, and county election commissions nationwide, it is possible that further undisclosed revisions exist.
Under the Comprehensive Local Election Management Guidelines, any revisions to data entered into the election management system must be accompanied by a detailed justification, and the provincial election commission must verify these reasons before authorizing any changes.
However, the records show that the reasons provided by each local election commission were inconsistent, ranging from "correction due to omission" to simply "change in voter count."
As the June 3rd local elections approach in two days, NEC officials are conducting final inspections at the counting station set up at the Daegu Gymnasium in Buk-gu, Daegu, on the 1st. [Yonhap News]According to the revision history, the election commission in Geomdan-gu, Incheon, initially reported 54,665 voters as of 4:00 PM, but later revised this figure to 61,276—an increase of more than 6,000 voters.
The NEC cited the reason for this request as "total turnout discrepancies despite collection and storage after final reports from individual polling stations."
In Sacheon, South Gyeongsang Province, the voter count was revised from 15,634 at noon to 19,631, while in Goseong County, Gangwon Province, the count increased from 4,392 at 11:00 AM to 5,639.
In Baegun-dong No. 1 Polling Station in Danwon-gu, Ansan, Gyeonggi Province, 41 voters were erroneously recorded as 410, and in Gyegok-myeon, Haenam County, South Jeolla Province, 84 voters were incorrectly entered as 284 before being corrected.
In some cases, corrections were not made immediately.
In Gunpo, Gyeonggi Province, an error in the 7:00 AM voter count was not corrected until 7:00 PM, and in Jincheon County, North Chungcheong Province, a voter count from 6:00 PM was changed at 9:00 PM—well after voting had closed.
Some figures were revised multiple times. At the No. 1 Polling Station in Yonggang-dong, Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province, the voter count was reduced from 2,162 to 2,161, only to be reverted back to 2,162 shortly after.
In Sangdang-gu, Cheongju, and Hongseong County, South Chungcheong Province, revisions were made after the 4:00 PM and 5:00 PM voter counts were entered as identical figures.
The time-series voter turnout provided by the central NEC follows a structure where polling station managers report figures by phone to the local (eup, myeon, dong) election commissions, which then report them to the district, city, or county commissions via the election management system.
Subsequently, the district, city, and county commissions transmit the voter counts to the provincial and central NEC via a dedicated reporting system.
The investigation team suspects that when errors occurred in the reported voter counts, NEC staff may have manipulated turnout figures by distributing numbers across inputs instead of following standard, transparent correction procedures.
Currently, signs of voter manipulation have emerged in two locations in the Gyeonggi region, including Gimpo, as well as in the Chungcheong region, and officials are investigating whether similar suspicious cases exist in other areas.
Representative Kim Eun-hye emphasized, "The voter turnout, which should be the most fundamental and accurate data, was tracked and revised in a haphazard manner," adding, "It is difficult to gauge how far this lax election management may have spread. This is exactly why a special investigation must be conducted thoroughly and without sanctuary."
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 06:10:25 +0900 https://en.hanmiilbo.kr/news/view.php?idx=11378 Jang Dong-hyeok giving a speech "denouncing the infringement of suffrage" [Gimhae=Yonhap News]The National Election Commission (NEC) will hold its first hearing on election appeals related to the June 3 local elections on the 27th.
On this day, the NEC will conduct hearings on appeals filed regarding the elections for mayors/provincial governors, proportional representation council members, and superintendents of education.
People Power Party (PPP) leader Jang Dong-hyeok is scheduled to personally attend the hearing to present his case. It is expected that Leader Jang will focus on raising allegations that emerged in the Seoul, Gyeonggi, and Incheon regional elections, which fall under the jurisdiction of the Central Election Commission, among the seven regions where the PPP has filed election appeals.
In particular, he is expected to emphasize the need for a recount and re-election by pointing out various suspicions, including the shortage of ballots at certain polling stations in Songpa-gu, Seoul; the "twin vote" results in Songdo 1 and 2-dong, Incheon; and allegations of manipulated voter turnout in Gyeonggi regions such as Gimpo.
Previously, while the NEC granted Leader Jang’s request for an oral argument, it disallowed the broadcasting of the proceedings, including live or recorded coverage.
Once an election appeal is filed, the NEC’s Appeal Review Committee must reach a decision within 60 days. Accordingly, the NEC’s decision on these appeals is expected to be issued around the middle of next month. 
]]> Yonhap News Mon, 27 Jul 2026 06:00:01 +0900