The moment Socrates drinks the hemlock 

Article 1, Paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea stipulates the following:

“The sovereignty of the Republic of Korea resides in the people, and all state authority emanates from the people.”

This is a sentence every South Korean citizen has heard at least once. Many people interpret this clause to mean that democracy is a system in which the country is governed by the majority rule of the people.

In an election, the person who receives the most votes gains power, and in the National Assembly, bills are passed when the number of votes in favor exceeds those against. Therefore, it is easy to think of popular sovereignty and majority rule as the same thing.

However, the two concepts are clearly distinct. Popular sovereignty is a political principle stating that the supreme power of a nation resides with the people as a whole. In contrast, majority rule is a decision-making method used to choose among several opinions. In other words, popular sovereignty addresses the question of “who is the master of power,” while majority rule addresses the question of “how shall we decide.”

The existence of popular sovereignty does not necessarily mean that only majority rule is used, nor does the use of majority rule always guarantee the realization of popular sovereignty. Understanding this difference is the first step toward understanding democracy.

The country that first tested this principle on a large scale was Athens in the 5th century BC. Athenian citizens did not delegate important national issues to representatives but decided them directly. The assembly where they gathered was called the Ekklesia. Whether to go to war, make peace, enact new laws, or elect generals—everything was decided in the assembly.

The assembly met about 40 times a year. The venue was the Pnyx, a hill to the west of the Acropolis. Eligibility to participate was granted only to male Athenian citizens aged 18 or older.

Women, slaves, and foreigners were excluded. While the total population of Athens at the time is estimated at about 250,000 to 300,000, there were only about 30,000 to 40,000 adult male citizens with voting rights. Important decisions required the attendance of about 6,000 people.

Anyone at the assembly could ascend the podium to speak. This was called isegoria, or “equality of speech.” After the discussion, a show of hands was the standard method of voting for or against a proposal. For particularly important issues, secret ballots using stones or pottery shards were sometimes held.

As such, Athenian democracy was a form of politics in which citizens participated directly. It was vastly different from modern indirect democracy, where we elect members of parliament to make decisions on our behalf. The people were the legislators, and the people were the policymakers. This is why the word “democracy” was coined, combining dēmos (people/citizens) and kratos (rule) to mean “rule by the people.”

However, the Athenians did not believe that majority rule was always right. In fact, they were the first to experience the dangers of majority rule.

In 427 BC, Mytilene rebelled against Athens. Infuriated, the assembly decided to kill all the male residents and enslave the women and children. However, the next day, the citizens reconvened to re-examine their decision. After a heated debate, they limited the punishment to only the leaders of the rebellion. The judgment of the majority was completely overturned in just one day. This is a representative case showing how dangerous a majority vote driven by emotion can be.

In the Battle of Arginusae in 406 BC, the Athenian fleet defeated Sparta. However, due to a storm, they failed to recover the bodies of the fallen soldiers. Swept up in public opinion, the assembly tried and sentenced six victorious generals to death all at once.

Although the citizens later admitted that their judgment had been excessive, it was already too late. This incident demonstrated that a decision made through democratic procedures does not necessarily lead to a just outcome.

The most famous case is the trial of Socrates in 399 BC. Socrates was accused of corrupting the youth and not believing in the city's gods. After a vote by approximately 500 jurors, he was found guilty and ultimately ended his life by drinking hemlock. Today, many scholars regard this trial as one of the greatest miscarriages of justice left behind by democracy.

These experiences tell us an important truth: democracy is not completed by majority rule alone. Majority rule is merely the most efficient way to organize opinions; it does not, in itself, guarantee truth or justice. Majority rule can only function healthily when accompanied by sufficient discussion, accurate information, the rule of law, and respect for minority opinions.

Today, the Republic of Korea follows the same principle. The National Assembly enacts laws by majority vote, but the Constitution guarantees fundamental rights that cannot be infringed upon, even by a majority. Rights such as freedom of expression, physical liberty, and due process cannot be stripped away simply because there are more votes to do so. Popular sovereignty acknowledges the power of the majority while simultaneously limiting that power to ensure it does not overstep the boundaries of the Constitution.

Popular sovereignty is a declaration that the people are the masters of power. Majority rule is merely one of several methods for exercising that power. The strength that maintains a healthy democracy does not come simply from having many votes, but from the majority’s self-restraint and respect for the law. This is the greatest lesson left to us by Athenian democracy.

◆ Song-san (松山) Jung Kwang-je 

A poet and researcher of history and philosophy. Former board member of the Syngman Rhee Institute. Currently serves as a research advisor to the Korean Modern and Contemporary History Research Association and representative of the philosophy forum Lyceum. He has published four volumes of poetry, co-translated The Heroes of Hook Hill, and authored humanities books including Joseon Become Myth, Humanities on the Tatami, and A Liberal’s Reading of Gramsci.