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How is the integration of military academies, which lacks both public discussion and consent, any different from a North Korean-style dictatorship?
2026 Joint Commissioning Ceremony for the three military academies. [Photo = Ministry of National Defense]
By forcing the consolidation of the three military academies and the relocation of the Korea Military Academy (KMA), the Lee Jae-myung administration is embarking on a path of self-destruction, revealing its true nature as an anti-democratic, dictatorial faction.
In my June 20th contribution to the Han-Mi-Il Bo, I argued that the government's military academy integration policy would become a "returning boomerang," striking the thrower and inflicting damage far more decisive than the aftermath of the "June 3 election fraud" allegations.
The current government intends to abolish the KMA, the Naval Academy, and the Air Force Academy by merging them into a new "National Military Academy." In particular, by turning Hwarangdae—the site of the KMA since 1980—into an apartment complex, they are attempting to erase the history and traditions of national defense represented by Hwarangdae and the Republic of Korea Armed Forces.
If a government policy serves a clear national interest, it can be pursued under the government's responsibility. However, the authorities have failed to provide a proper response to the arguments raised by the Association of Military Academy Alumni—the center of opposition—regarding how this plan threatens "national security," the foremost national interest.
The Lee Jae-myung administration is ignoring the arguments of the opposition by dismissing requests for public forums, such as open hearings that would include opposing sides, and by blocking such processes.
In my July 9th contribution, I criticized the absurd "2+2 initiative," which proposed integrating the three military academies as individual colleges while splitting the students into first/second-year and third/fourth-year groups.
I emphasized that the traditional loyalty of cadets stems from an education often compared to a "melting pot," and that the core of this system lies in the student self-governance system, where seniors and juniors cultivate leadership, solidarity, and mutual development. I warned that destroying this would instantly sever the tradition of patriotism and the will to defend the nation that has been passed down for generations.
It is self-evident that relocating and dispersing the academies to provincial areas will lower the intellectual standards of the cadets and eliminate the "melting pot" culture that once fostered a sense of unity over four years, leading to a mentally weak and effete officer corps.
Perhaps rattled by such criticism, the government now claims it will abandon the split-year plan and force through a full four-year integration. The Minister of National Defense has even expressed a willingness to meet with the alumni association to hear their opinions. However, more important than that is the need to hold a public hearing that all citizens can witness.
Perhaps as a stopgap measure against the pressure for a public hearing, the government says it will hold an open discussion: the "Policy Forum on the Establishment of the National Military Academy," hosted by the Constitutional Government Association's Policy Research Institute and the National Assembly's National Defense Committee on July 22nd at the National Assembly's Constitution Hall.
This comes three months after the two policy forums held by the Alumni Association in April and May in conjunction with Rep. Han Ki-ho of the National Assembly's Defense Committee. It appears to be nothing more than a superficial gesture to deflect criticism.
Rep. Han Ki-ho (right) and Rep. Lim Jong-deuk of the People Power Party read a statement from the "Civic Solidarity for Defending the Future of National Defense" at the National Assembly Communication Center on the 2nd, calling for an "immediate halt to the hasty consolidation of military academies and the relocation of the KMA, and for transparent information disclosure and social consensus to come first." [Photo = Yonhap News]
Looking at this policy forum, it is a farce. While it claims to be hosted by the National Assembly Defense Committee, one wonders if the opposition members of the committee actually agreed to it. The individuals participating to deliver welcoming remarks, congratulatory speeches, or chair the sessions are all affiliated with the Democratic Party.
Just as a Ministry of Defense official attended the policy forum organized by the Alumni Association, are they also inviting and including the opposing side?
Looking at this policy forum without any opposing debate, I regret to say that it feels like a Labor Party policy indoctrination session controlled by the North Korean Propaganda and Agitation Department, or a discussion on Kim Il-sung’s Juche ideology.
Since many of the core members of the current government have long been associated with individuals implicated in espionage crimes that aid North Korea, it has long been branded as a pro-North (Jong-buk) force. Thus, it is no surprise that they are exhibiting the North Korean style of political behavior to force their agenda.
For the North Korean leader and the Workers' Party, no error can be admitted. That principle of "infallibility" is running rampant in the Republic of Korea today.
The idea that anything—immoral, unethical, or illegal—is permissible for the sake of "revolution" is the hallmark of the Communist Party's political style, especially the iron-fisted military dictatorship of the North Korean Workers' Party’s feudal hereditary dynasty.
The abolition of the three military academies and the establishment of a National Military Academy, packaged as "defense reform," is in fact part of a revolution that seeks to negate the history and tradition of the Republic of Korea's military by regressing the core of its defense capabilities and destroying Hwarangdae—a revolution that aids in the "communization" of the nation.
Regarding the consolidation of the military academies and the relocation of the KMA, which would lead to the destruction of Hwarangdae—a site steeped in the history and tradition of national defense—more than 70% of the public and 91.3% of active-duty cadets have expressed their opposition to the integrated "National Military Academy." Those who ignore these voices of opposition are, by definition, anti-democratic, dictatorial forces.
During my time as a junior officer, I defined the reality of North Korea to my subordinates in a few simple words: "A society without the freedom to oppose and without the opportunity for choice is North Korea."
Our society, now controlled by the left-wing regime, is very strange. If one suggests that North Korea may have been involved in the Gwangju May 18th Democratic Uprising, it is labeled as "distortion" and "dissemination of false information." One can even be punished under a special law related to the democratization movement. It is absurd, yet it has been legislated.
If one suspects North Korean intervention, shouldn't the North's side also be investigated? Are we to definitively conclude that there was no involvement based solely on "domestic investigation results"? Should we ignore that even North Korea has hinted at their own operations, or that there are rumors of graves for North Korean soldiers infiltrated during May 18th at the Hero Martyrs' Cemetery in Chongjin?
Given the history of atrocities committed by armed North Korean forces that I have witnessed throughout my life, must such suspicions be suppressed and punished?
The reality of the absence of human rights in North Korea, which has been exposed to the world for a long time, is that if you utter a word against the will of the leader or the Workers' Party, you end up in a political prison camp—an "exclusion zone"—overnight, without anyone knowing.
North Korea remains an anti-people dictatorship, as evidenced by the fact that the UN still passes resolutions on North Korean human rights improvements every year. The current government, by pushing its national agenda dogmatically while ignoring opposing debates, is painting a picture of that same model in the Republic of Korea today.
Whether the true intent of the policy to abolish the three military academies and create a new one is to weaken our national defense will be proven by the results. While the current government may have its own judgments, the immutable democratic principle is that there must be a process to collect the general will of the people and engage in intense debate with opposing views before proceeding.
If they ignore this, they will not be able to escape the branding that "this government is a pro-North, anti-people, dictatorial regime that resembles North Korea."
If the government and the ruling party's defense committee hold another policy forum in the future, the presenters and panelists must include participants from the policy forum of the three military academies' alumni associations who oppose the abolition of the academies, the creation of a National Military Academy, and the abandonment of Hwarangdae through KMA relocation.
If they ignore even that, they will prove that they are truly an anti-democratic dictatorial regime and an anti-state faction, which will naturally lead to their downfall. They will meet their fate by the very anti-national, anti-state boomerang they have thrown.
I emphasize once again that the stance of the Alumni Association of the three military academies against the consolidation is firm and resolute. Unlike the government authorities, who have set out to root out the KMA—an educational institution—by claiming it is a "hotbed of insurrectionist forces," we are entirely non-political. Therefore, all KMA graduates will stake everything on the conviction that their cause is just.
Why would we hesitate when the roots of the nation, the people, justice, and honor—which we embraced in our hearts while training for four years in our youth—are being pulled out, and when my entire life's work is losing its luster? Spending the remaining time of my retirement defending the KMA will be the most rewarding mission of my life.
As per the cadet code, we will "dedicate our lives to the nation and the people, live in honor and faith, forsake the path of easy injustice, and run toward the rugged path of justice."
◆ Il-go Kim Myung-soo
KMA 27th Class
Retired Army Major
Former Director of North Korean Psychological Warfare, Agency for National Security Planning