An illustration satirizing the current situation where Representative Cho Kuk is threatening judicial independence by calling for the 'removal of Cho Hee-dae'. Graphic from Hanmi Ilbo.

Cho Kuk, the interim leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party, announced in the National Assembly that he had prepared an impeachment motion, stating his intention to create a "Supreme Court without Cho Hee-dae." Furthermore, he claimed that the Supreme Court's decision to overturn President Lee Jae-myung's conviction for violating election law was an "attempt to eliminate a presidential candidate," and even argued for the necessity of a special prosecutor.

Statements that equate Supreme Court en banc decisions with "collusion in rebellion" are extremely dangerous. The moment political grievances are transferred to judicial responsibility, the judiciary is reduced to a subordinate organ of a political party.

The President himself recently revealed an perception of ranking the executive, legislative, and judicial branches as if they were in a hierarchy, by mentioning the "order of power." This view sees the judiciary not as an independent branch, but as a power placed later in sequence.

Moon Hyung-bae, former acting chief justice of the Constitutional Court, refuted the President's claim directly by stating in a radio appearance, "Please read the Constitution of the Republic of Korea; this is my answer."

In this atmosphere, Representative Cho Kuk's "removal remarks" are not merely political hyperbole but are connected to a dangerous trend of trying to push the judiciary to the bottom of the power hierarchy.

However, the reason for the judiciary's existence is different. It is to control the excesses of majority rule. While majority rule is a fundamental principle of democracy, legitimacy is not solely completed by the power of the majority.

When the majority party in the National Assembly pushes through legislation and the executive branch supports it, the rights of minorities and constitutional values can be infringed upon. At such times, the judiciary serves as the final safeguard, applying brakes in accordance with constitutional principles, despite the power of the majority. Representative Cho Kuk's remarks are nothing short of a declaration that he intends to use this safeguard as a tool for political interests.

Above all, the fact that Cho Kuk was an academic who taught constitutional law at Seoul National University is even more surprising to people. He is someone who has emphasized the values of separation of powers and judicial independence more than anyone else. Nevertheless, if he were to overturn his fundamental principles as a constitutional scholar in the face of political interests, it would be an academic self-negation and a betrayal of democracy.

Obvious political calculations are also at play in this offensive.

It has been pointed out that the Rebuilding Korea Party, which is in a difficult situation due to allegations of sexual misconduct, is trying to deflect internal crises by setting up an external enemy. At the same time, it aims to rally its supporters by coming to President Lee Jae-myung's defense and appears to be strategizing to position itself as a more radical reform force than the Democratic Party. However, such moves only erode the sincerity of judicial reform.

The Rebuilding Korea Party's aggressive push for the impeachment of the Supreme Court president, a matter on which even the Presidential Office is taking a cautious stance, is a dangerous runaway. If the judiciary is made a scapegoat for political struggles, reform will be perceived as revenge, and even the minimum safeguards of democracy will be dismantled.

If judicial reform is desired, one must first reflect on their own issues and propose institutional alternatives. "Removal politics" targeting the head of the judiciary cannot win the trust of the people.

Politics is for the people; revenge cannot be its purpose. The moment politics is used as a means of revenge, democracy is destroyed.

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