On August 25, 2011, Lee Jin-han, Chief of the Public Security Department 1 at the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, gives a briefing at the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office in Seocho-dong regarding the exposure of the North Korean-directed spy ring "Wangjaesan." Public security authorities arrested and indicted five people, including the ringleader surnamed Kim (48), on charges of espionage and organizing "Wangjaesan," an anti-state group linked to the 225th Bureau of the Workers' Party of Korea. Yonhap News.

Poet and ColumnistNumerous speculations and judgments are swirling around Kim Hyun-ji, Chief of the First Secretary's Office at the Blue House. Who exactly is she? Watching Lee Jae-myung withhold everything from her background to her educational history, I doubt there is a single citizen who does not harbor suspicions about her identity. Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon has even placed a 100 million won bounty on information regarding Kim Hyun-ji. Yet, her origin and even her education remain in the realm of the unknown. As some speculate, is she truly Lee Jae-myung’s mistress, or is she a North Korean spy?

The Wangjaesan spy case was an incident that occurred in Incheon in 2011. Or rather, it was an incident where they were arrested. The Wangjaesan spy ring was organized by individuals recruited by Kim Young-hwan, the man behind the "Steel Letter."

The problem is that Lawyers for a Democratic Society (Minbyun) appears in this spy case. Therefore, we must share with the public how these spies are protected and by whom. We live in a world where spies live more confidently than our own citizens. We must be clearly aware that among them, there are those who have been recognized as "persons of merit for democratization" and have received compensation.

National Intelligence Service (NIS) investigators waited for a long time near a building in Yangpyeong-dong, Seoul. It was a summer afternoon. Finally, the ringleader known as "Gwandeokbong" (a code name assigned by North Korea) came out and was re-entering the building. Investigators followed him up to the 9th-floor office. It was an IT company that sold license plate recognition programs for parking lots. The technology had come from North Korea.

The NIS had been tracking the three partners of this company for a year. There was intelligence that they had formed an underground party, "Wangjaesan," in South Korea under the directive of the "225th Bureau of the Workers' Party," a North Korean agency for operations against the South, and had been active for 20 years. Scenes of them meeting with North Korean operatives in China were also captured. Six separate videos were recorded to secure evidence.

The search and seizure team that day numbered over thirty. It consisted of investigators and assistants, as well as staff members assigned to photograph the office, record video, photograph seized items, and provide personal security. Every time an item was sealed, the suspect’s signature was obtained. "Gwandeokbong" had a habit of not throwing things away. Documents over 10 years old were found in his apartment. Instead of money, items like USB drives (portable data storage devices) were kept in his room safe. The search and seizure lasted until 3:00 AM. Immediately afterward, "Gwandeokbong" was arrested in an emergency.

When an investigator remarked, "You must have a lot to say, having been active for so long," he replied, "I have plenty to say. I will organize my thoughts and speak." I got the impression he was accepting the situation. However, when he was brought out of the detention center for questioning, he resisted, saying, "My lawyer told me not to talk." This was after a lawyer from Minbyun had visited him. When encouraged by saying, "It's not a matter like that," he asked for "one more day." It is said that his eyes looked different after meeting a second lawyer the next day.

Another arrested suspect refused to be questioned and even refused to come out of the detention center. Investigators had to obtain a summons to bring him in. The lawyers argued that "forced investigation is a human rights violation." They also claimed that the security screening procedure for entering the NIS building, which requires searching lawyers' belongings, was an "infringement on the right to counsel."

At the time the investigation was underway, the legal team filed 14 "quasi-appeals" (a request to the court to cancel or change the dispositions of investigative agencies). When dismissed by the court, they appealed to the Supreme Court, only to be dismissed again. During the 20 days of investigation by the NIS and 30 days by the prosecution, not a single word was obtained from the suspects.

The only evidence was what was seized. Among the files stored on the USBs, it took ten days to crack the double encryption. One of the passwords was the date Wangjaesan was recognized as a South Korean underground party after meeting Kim Il-sung. Among the files were newspaper articles such as "This Spring's Fashion Trends" and "Household Crime Prevention Tips." These were camouflage files. When entered into a decryption program, directives appeared. A directive received ten days before the seizure read: "Instruct XXX to lead the tuition fee struggle," and "Which party to kill and where to form a coalition."

Even in court, there was no verbal testimony from the suspects related to the "Wangjaesan spy ring." The defense team kept picking at the legality of the evidence. "The investigative agency secretly planted the evidence," "The file content was manipulated later".... A verification battle ensued for every single file. Digital experts who stated, "Manipulation is impossible," and third parties who were at the scene of the search and seizure had to be called in. Regarding the video of them meeting with North Korea's "225th Bureau" overseas, they argued, "Was it shot with the permission of the judicial authorities of that country? Isn't that an infringement of sovereignty?"

There was no opportunity to ask about the "substance" of the spy ring case. Only one witness testified behind closed doors that "Wangjaesan has a reality." He was the very person who had gone to Pyongyang and received the "teachings" from Kim Il-sung, and had left the organization afterward. That person was Kim Young-hwan. When the investigation began, the legal team met him twice and demanded, "If the investigators come to find you, stay silent." This contact was captured in call logs. Two months later, investigators discovered his existence.

However, the Minbyun legal team continued to cling to the evidence. Such trials were held 30 times. Although most of the gang members were punished, including the ringleader receiving a 7-year prison sentence, the Wangjaesan spy ring case became the first instance where spies were protected by Minbyun.

And the investigation into the spy ring came to be viewed as if it were an infringement on human rights or freedom of thought. Minbyun, which has advocated for the "abolition of the National Security Act," did not miss this opportunity, and the suspects enjoyed all legal rights regarding human rights and freedom of thought. Therefore, we must suspect who the lawyers belonging to Minbyun are, and whether the final authority controlling Minbyun is not North Korea. Currently, they occupy key positions within the judiciary and have seized control of it. It seems worth examining the claim that they are a higher-level group than the "Our Law Research Group" and "International Human Rights Law Research Group," which took the lead in protecting Lee Jae-myung and impeaching Yoon Suk-yeol.

One of the suspects in the Wangjaesan case once left a very famous remark to his family during a visit.

"As soon as the regime changes, I will be out. We will eventually be compensated as persons of merit for the democratization movement."

In fact, two of them have already been recognized as "persons related to the democratization movement" during the Kim Dae-jung administration and received compensation of 4.2 million won and 14 million won, respectively. These were the very people who were engaged in espionage. It was Kim Dae-jung after all.

If so, how many "persons of merit for democratization" among the personnel who entered the Lee Jae-myung government using the Democratic Party as a stepping stone are engaging in espionage? In particular, among the fake "5.18 persons of merit," how many spies are working for the North? Aside from the recent case of the KCTU official spy, which has been confirmed, how many more spies are with the Democratic Party? Lee Jae-myung is currently issuing a general mobilization order at the regime level to create policies for the North. Furthermore, how much is he committing acts that destroy the laws and policies of the Republic of Korea that are unfavorable to North Korea?

Starting with Jeong Dong-young, who wants to ban live-fire drills by the South Korean military, there are now people appearing who want to rebuild the Kaesong Industrial Complex to shower money on the North again. What kind of role is Kim Hyun-ji playing in the midst of all this?

Jeong Jae-hak, Poet and Columnist