Mrs. Lee Soon-ja is seen smiling brightly while conversing with members of the 5.18 Historical Society who visited her home in Yeonhui-dong, Seodaemun-gu, Seoul, on November 23rd last year, marking the third anniversary of President Chun Doo-hwan's passing. Reporter Huh Kyum.

"Forcing the former President to be labeled the ringleader of 5.18... Since facts are difficult, they resort to movies to appeal to emotions."

Retired Military and Security Organizations: "They must be demonized even without evidence... We must stop this 'stubborn republic' now."

Even the Moon Jae-in administration's 5.18 Investigation Committee failed to clarify... The 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order' is a non-existent fabrication.

"Regarding 5.18, regardless of what others say, you know the truth yourself. If the stories circulating in the world were true, who would be afraid? It would be us who should be afraid."

On November 23rd last year, on the third anniversary of former President Chun Doo-hwan's passing, Mrs. Lee Soon-ja met with members of the 5.18 Historical Society (President Lee Yong-sik) at her home in Yeonhui-dong, Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. She said, "Abnormalities don't last long. Normality does," and continued.

Mrs. Lee added, "If someone massacred their own people to seize power, it would be a story only imaginable in a developing country. It's impossible in a country where a significant portion of the population is college-educated. Soldiers going into the military are mostly from universities; when they come to the army after demonstrating in school, and they are suppressed... what would someone like Chun say..." she paused, lost in thought.

She continued, "This is not a plausible story. Yet, they present such a story so convincingly and push it through with force. While possible while in power, it's not something that can continue (later on)."

Mrs. Lee stated, "It's something that will be corrected as soon as society operates on common sense that people can understand. However, over time, as they keep at it, the stories become centered around entertainment, and the details get distorted. It's very difficult to correct the details. While it's true that a lie shouldn't become accepted as truth for too long, I believe that what is right will eventually prevail," she said.

She then added, "They are trying to force the former President to be labeled the ringleader of 5.18. Since it's difficult to fabricate facts, they resort to movies and similar means to appeal to emotions. We inevitably have to bear the damage from that," she concluded, composing herself.

This year marks the fourth anniversary of President Chun Doo-hwan's passing. His remains have been interred at his home in Yeonhui-dong for four years. Around this time each year, mourners visit Yeonhui-dong from early morning to remember President Chun Doo-hwan, the 'savior hero,' and honor his will.

As of November 2025, there is no objective evidence in South Korea that President Chun Doo-hwan gave the order to fire on civilians during the 5.18 Gwangju Uprising.

The 5.18 Truth Investigation Committee (hereinafter referred to as the '5.18 Government Investigation Committee,' Chairman Song Seon-tae), established by the Moon Jae-in administration, also failed to clarify the order to fire issued by Chun Doo-hwan, then head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, when it concluded its official four-year activities in April 2023.

In his handwritten account, Sergeant Lee, who was surrounded and isolated by armed rioters during the May 18th Uprising in 1980 and trembled in fear of death, wrote: "With soldiers openly present, the fact that they acted so outrageously resulted from the soldiers being too meek and powerless against the crowd." He continued, "Moreover, in the chaotic situation in the islands off the southern coast, where there are many infiltration routes for spies, if North Korea were to invade or send armed spies, it would be a truly grave situation, and I was filled with anger." He then asked, "Who are the true patriots and vanguards of democracy?" He did not hide his agitated emotions, stating, "I wanted to shoot them with a gun" regarding shallow patriotism expressed only in words. / Exclusive acquisition, capture of a drafted soldier's handwritten account.

40 Years of Propaganda and Agitation to 'Demonize Chun Doo-hwan' Without Evidence... The Falsity of the 'Chun Doo-hwan Firing Order' Proven by the 5.18 Government Investigation Committee's 'Miss'

This has rendered the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order' a historical falsehood. Based on the government's investigation results, no one can refute this fact.

However, the democratization movement continues to assert, without basis, that President Chun Doo-hwan is the ringleader of 5.18. There are strong arguments that political circles, piggybacking on this, are continuing the narrative of liquidating the remnants of the Fifth Republic for their own benefit.

Those who voice opposing opinions are threatened with punishment under the Special Act on the May 18th Democratization Movement (5.18 Special Act), effectively hindering free reporting and research activities on historical truth. Article 8 of this law (Prohibition of Spreading False Information about the May 18th Democratization Movement) stipulates that individuals who spread false information about the May 18th Democratization Movement shall be punished by imprisonment of up to five years or a fine of up to 50 million won. Doubts and criticisms are being raised everywhere about this "unreasonable law" that punishes any differing interpretation or assertion simply because it is labeled a "democratization movement."

The final report released in June 2024 by the 5.18 Government Investigation Committee, which concluded its activities at the end of 2023, clearly revealed that President Chun Doo-hwan's order to shoot had no basis.

Regarding the sequence of events and responsibility for the firing by martial law troops, which attracted the most attention at the time, the report stated that live ammunition was distributed to martial law troops on May 20, 1980, and they were instructed to exercise their right of self-defense, which was considered the order to fire. However, the final report explicitly stated that the 5.18 Government Investigation Committee could not find any involvement or connection with a specific individual (Chun Doo-hwan, head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff).

Therefore, the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order' has been revealed as a complete fabrication without any basis.

Meanwhile, military and security organizations have consistently pointed out that the right of self-defense in response to the preemptive attack by rioters on the government should not be considered a firing order, and that Chun Doo-hwan, then head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was not in a position to replace Lee Hee-sung, the martial law commander, who held the authority to issue firing orders.

However, the democratization movement has disregarded these points and focused on propaganda and agitation to 'demonize Chun Doo-hwan.' As a result, military and security organizations argue that this has led to the success of unsubstantiated historical distortion films like 'A Bold Declaration of Independence' and 'Spring of Seoul,' which they consider a serious problem.

The failure of the 5.18 Government Investigation Committee, established by Moon Jae-in, to clarify the truth has once again exposed the falsity of the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order theory' to the world. In other words, as of this moment, there is no objective evidence for the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order theory.'

Below the New York Times headline from May 22, 1980, stating that rioters had taken over a South Korean city (Gwangju), is the sub-headline: "Rioters rampage with arms seized from Military - strongman is assailed."

Democratization Movement Ignores Security Organizations' Point on 'Self-Defense Firing'... A Pointed Question: "Will They Still Be Investigating in 2080, on the 100th Anniversary of 5.18?"

The demand that the 5.18 democratization movement take responsibility for perpetuating the false narrative that martial law troops killed innocent Gwangju citizens under Chun Doo-hwan's orders for over 40 years is not new.

According to a report by Yonhap News Agency's Gwangju branch in December 2023, the 5.18 Government Investigation Committee, chaired by Song Seon-tae, concluded its four years of activities without investigating five out of the 21 core direct investigation subjects. These included: the circumstances and responsibility for the firing by the military (Chun Doo-hwan); cases of concealment, distortion, and fabrication of the 5.18 incident by state agencies; attacks on armories in Jeonnam Province; casualties and injuries caused by the military and police; and allegations of fighter jet sorties.

Instead of concluding that something did not exist if no direct evidence was found, the committee marked these as 'unresolved.' This implies that further investigation might yield results. Chairman Song also publicly stated during a parliamentary audit that further investigation is needed. This raised serious concerns that investigations into 5.18 might continue until 2080, the 100th anniversary of the event.

In particular, conservative 5.18 researchers from the Honam region strongly express concern that by completely excluding the possibility of external forces intervening, not just pure Gwangju citizens, the committee may lead to a contradictory conclusion that Gwangju citizens committed cruel and horrific acts that cannot be attributed to their gentle nature, ultimately resulting in the notion that "Gwangju citizens shot Gwangju citizens." This is because no one can present objective evidence for the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order theory.'

Retired military and security organizations share this sentiment. The now-defunct Movement for Restoring the Honor of the Military stated, "The government investigation committee, which claimed it would include the truth of 5.18 and ways to restore the honor of the martial law troops in its final report, instead classified key issues of truth-finding as 'unresolved' and decided not to include them in the final report. This is a ploy to evade truth-finding and an insult to the people."

A handwritten account from a drafted soldier from Gwangju, fearing being killed by his own people. / Exclusive acquisition, capture of a drafted soldier's handwritten account.

"The 'Chun Doo-hwan Firing Order Theory' is finally confirmed as baseless... The Government Investigation Committee must move to restore the honor of the martial law troops."

The statement from the Movement for Restoring the Honor of the Military continued, "The Moon Jae-in administration launched the 5.18 Investigation Committee and, even before the truth-finding results were released, created a shield against truth-finding with the '5.18 Distortion Punishment Act.' They conducted biased investigations for four years. Last December, they decided that five out of the 21 direct investigation subjects, including the initial firing by the military, were 'unresolved.'"

It added, "If the 5.18 investigators had any conscience, instead of classifying these as 'unresolved,' they should have concluded in two sentences: 'There was no order to fire by President Chun Doo-hwan and no massacre by the martial law troops. The truth of 5.18 and measures to restore the honor of the martial law troops will be included in the final report.'"

Furthermore, it stated, "The investigation committee, which lacked sufficient staff of 74 paid personnel and received support from about 20 active-duty soldiers, used approximately 50 billion won of national funds over four years and yet classified core subjects as unresolved. This is akin to evading responsibility for a political incident due to insufficient evidence."

The statement declared, "The Movement for Restoring the Honor of the Military declares the invalidation of the seven investigation activity reports and the final report prepared by six disqualified investigators since 2020. We will file a complaint with the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission for dereliction of duty and waste of national funds and request an audit of the investigation committee's four years of activities from the Board of Audit and Inspection. We intend to indict all nine investigators who produced results contrary to truth-finding with the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials."

The statement continued, "It has been factually proven that the 'Chun Doo-hwan firing order' did not historically exist. Since it has been confirmed that there was no collective firing by martial law troops, the government should move to restore the honor of the martial law troops. The scheme to protect the stronghold of 5.18 by fabricating Chun Doo-hwan as the firing commander, thereby concealing Kim Dae-jung's rebellion plot and North Korean involvement, has been thwarted by numerous true testimonies," it argued.

Consequently, "we strongly urge accountability for deceiving and indoctrinating the public for over 40 years with fake news related to 5.18, such as the conspiracy theory of the new military's rise to power, and the accusations of excessive force and massacre by martial law troops." It further called for a retrial of the political judgments related to 5.18.

The 5.18 Democratization Movement Truth Investigation Committee (hereinafter referred to as the 'Committee,' Chairman Song Seon-tae), launched by the Moon Jae-in administration, failed to investigate the reality of the so-called 'Chun Doo-hwan collective firing order' and 'secret burial.' Yonhap News.

Interpreting the Facts Revealed in Court Records and Transcripts... "Chun Doo-hwan, an Accomplice in the Assassination of the President, a 'Savior Hero' Who Protected the System."

It is a reality that many citizens react negatively to the expression 'savior hero' for President Chun Doo-hwan. This is because they have never truly examined the reality of the matter. This is considered a result of being indoctrinated by false propaganda that has accumulated over a long period, as consistently pointed out by 5.18 researchers.

Those who mistakenly interpret President Chun Doo-hwan as the ringleader of 5.18 trace the cause to the investigation of Jung Seung-hwa by Commander Chun Doo-hwan and the December 12th incident. They claim that December 12th was a military coup.

For the December 12th incident, which originated from the October 26th assassination, to be a military coup, Commander Chun Doo-hwan would have had to assassinate President Park Chung-hee. However, the perpetrator was Kim Jae-gyu. According to court records and investigation transcripts, Jung Seung-hwa, then Chief of Staff of the Army, acted in a manner that could be sufficiently suspicious to be considered an accomplice of Kim Jae-gyu.

As the Commander of the Security Command at the time, General Chun Doo-hwan had a duty to investigate Jung Seung-hwa, who was suspected of being an accomplice in the presidential assassination case. However, the records clearly show through official documents that a crisis of military conflict arose because the Jung Seung-hwa faction vehemently refused this investigation.

A memorial academic event for the late President Chun Doo-hwan held recently could further elaborate on this.

At the academic event held on the 20th at the Agape Hall on the 3rd floor of the Korean Christian Federation Building in Jongno-gu, Seoul, panelist Kim Yong-sam, a senior reporter, presented on "The Investigation of the October 26th Incident and the Occurrence of the December 12th Incident." He reconstructed the flow of the December 12th incident after October 26th based on facts from court records and transcripts, excluding emotions and political frameworks.

Kim pointed out the grave complicity and overreach of Jung Seung-hwa, who was the then Chief of Staff of the Army: △ Kim Jae-gyu, as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, did not have the legal authority to request troop deployment from Army Chief of Staff Jung Seung-hwa, yet △ Jung Seung-hwa deployed troops at Kim Jae-gyu's request.

Specifically, △ Jung Seung-hwa, upon arriving at the Army Headquarters bunker, ordered the Deputy Director of the Presidential Security Service to prohibit the dispatch of security personnel, and △ ordered Sung Gak-chun, Commander of the Capital Defense Command, to deploy Capital Defense Command troops to surround the Blue House. He stated that the operational command of the Presidential Security Service and the Capital Defense Command belonged to the Director of the Presidential Security Service, and this series of actions should be considered serious overreach by Jung Seung-hwa.

A soldier's handwritten account of pursuing escaped rioters in a stolen military jeep, attempting to throw Molotov cocktails and explosives. These accounts vividly and emotionally convey the soldiers' feelings of injustice, as they could not accept the claim of it being a democratization movement. / Exclusive acquisition, capture of a drafted soldier's handwritten account.

Jung Seung-hwa's Failure to Report "Kim Jae-gyu Changing Clothes Stained with Blood" to Superiors... General Jang Tae-wan's Late Confession of Truth in the Movie "12.12: The Day After"

The investigation by <한미일보> also revealed the same facts. According to the prosecution's investigation records at the time, Jung Seung-hwa, on October 26, 1979, the day of the presidential assassination, was in the same car as Kim Jae-gyu, who appeared wearing blood-stained clothes. Despite seeing him change into clean clothes and shoes, Jung failed to report this to his direct superior, Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyun. For four hours, from 11:40 PM, when Chief Secretary Kim Gye-won informed Jung Seung-hwa and Noh Jae-hyun, who were together, that Kim Jae-gyu was the perpetrator, Jung remained silent. This behavior pattern is beyond what anyone would consider normal.

Furthermore, Jung Seung-hwa telephonically halted the dispatch of security personnel, an order that could only be given by the Chief of the Presidential Security Service, Cha Ji-cheol. This would logically require him to be aware of Cha Ji-cheol's death. If the President and Cha Ji-cheol were dead and Kim Jae-gyu was covered in blood, it was basic soldierly duty to inform his superiors and cabinet members of the situation. Accordingly, Chun Doo-hwan, then Commander of the Security Command and the investigation head, had a duty to investigate Jung Seung-hwa, his superior and the Army Chief of Staff. During this process, Jung Seung-hwa's faction vehemently refused, leading to a clash between military factions. Far-left groups interpret this as a rebellion and are obsessed with denigrating Chun Doo-hwan, repeating this narrative through movies and other means, but the reality is different.

Jang Tae-wan (played by Jung Woo-sung as a hero in the movie "12.12: The Day After"), who was belatedly acknowledged the truth, also made a confession. According to senior reporter Kim Yong-sam, Jang Tae-wan wrote in his memoir, "The 12.12 Coup and I," on page 152: "I did not receive the order from Chairman Moon Hong-gu of the Joint Chiefs of Staff that Minister Noh Jae-hyun absolutely forbade troop deployment," and "If I had known this fact that night, what changes would have occurred in the situation." He admitted that his fierce resistance that night was due to not receiving accurate orders.

Dr. Ju Eun-sik, Director of the Korean Strategic Research Institute, who participated as a debater, emphasized, "The essence of December 12th is simple, but historical distortion has accumulated due to narratives with specific political agendas."

While preparing for the debate, Dr. Ju read Volumes 1 and 2 of Dr. Ji Man-won's "Abridged Documentary History Book of December 12th and 5.18 Based on Investigation Records," and confirmed the facts of historical distortion through interviews with Chairman Heo Hwa-pyeong and General Lee Sang-gyu, then commander of the 2nd Armored Brigade. He also mentioned visiting Baekdamsa Temple three weeks ago and touring the meditation house where former President Chun resided during his exile. Dr. Ju said, "The meditation house was reportedly undergoing internal repairs. I wondered if they were trying to erase traces of the former President and his wife." He added, "I posted twice about former President Chun's personnel management and leadership four years ago, and while many elderly people who lived through that era shared them, younger generations often mistook the content of left-leaning movies for history."

US intelligence agencies judged that various rumors circulating in the Gwangju area before and during the May 18th Uprising in 1980 were misleading public sentiment and fueling hostility towards martial law troops. Left: A leaflet spreading fake news claiming "Participants are joining from all over the country." Top right: Types of rumors compiled by the National Security Planning Agency. A secret document from the US Under Secretary of State pointing to increased propaganda attacks from North Korea. In particular, researchers have summarized the four major malicious rumors of 5.18 as: △ Chun Doo-hwan gave hallucinogenic drugs to special forces soldiers, △ female students were made to stand naked and their breasts were cut out with knives, killing them, △ pregnant women's bellies were pierced to extract fetuses, and △ special forces soldiers were openly shouting slogans that it was okay to kill 70% of Gwangju citizens. While baseless rumors should have been dismissed as the lies of 'The Boy Who Cried Wolf,' they had a significant impact at the time, and some still believe them as established facts.

"Trump Demands Payment from Nations Free-riding on Defense... President Chun Doo-hwan Received Loans from Japan 40 Years Ago with Similar Logic to Build a Rich Nation and Strong Military."

The first part of the memorial ceremony included memorial addresses and poems, followed by a performance of the memorial song "Pioneer" by Professor Jeong Kkot-nim of Dankook University, daughter of former Special Warfare Command Chief Jeong Ho-young. Following senior reporter Kim Yong-sam's presentation, the second part featured Professor Choi Kwang of Daegu University (former Minister of Health and Welfare), who presented on "Overcoming the Overlapping Crises of the Early 1980s and President Chun Doo-hwan's Leadership."

In his presentation, former Minister Choi revealed behind-the-scenes details about Japanese loans and stated, "President Chun Doo-hwan implemented the same policy as US President Donald Trump 40 years ago." He explained, "President Trump demands payment from countries that free-ride on defense. Similarly, President Chun Doo-hwan, seeing Japan free-riding on Korea's defense, pressured Japan through President Ronald Reagan to secure a $4 billion loan from Prime Minister Nakasone." Former Minister Choi added, "Furthermore, I would argue that President Chun Doo-hwan implemented policies that combined those of Prime Minister Thatcher of the UK, President Reagan, and President Thomas Jefferson."

Military Incident Occurred in Response to Non-Compliance and Illegal Troop Deployment in the Investigation of the Assassination of the Head of State... "The Root of the Problem is Imposing the Political Struggle Framework of the 1990s."

Below is a summary of the core content by Dr. Ju Eun-sik, who participated as a debater, after the event. Dr. Ju stated, "I was able to confirm the factual basis of the presentations and organized the reasons for distortion, focusing on the negative effects of political intervention, as follows," and informed <한미일보>.

△ December 12th was not the result of Chun Doo-hwan's lust for power, but originated from the investigation of October 26th.

Immediately after the assassination of President Park Chung-hee on October 26, 1979, commonly known as October 26th, Kim Jae-gyu lured Jung Seung-hwa to the Gongjeong-dong safe house and preemptively guided discussions on troop deployment and martial law declaration. This is a clear record confirmed in court rulings and testimony transcripts.

In other words, the essence of December 12th was the normal investigative process regarding suspicions of collusion between Kim Jae-gyu and Jung Seung-hwa.

Chun Doo-hwan, as the Commander of the Security Command, exercised the investigative authority granted by law, and was not the perpetrator of a military coup for power seizure. If we are to raise an issue, we should question why the law was enacted to allow the Commander of the Security Command to become the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Is it a crime to properly perform one's assigned duties in accordance with the law? The incident's origin lies in the fact that the person suspected of such actions was the martial law commander.

Chief of Staff Jung Seung-hwa requested modifications to his testimony transcripts three times regarding his actions on the day of the incident. This is not a reaction that a person with nothing to hide would have. This point is the most clearly revealed fact in the presentation.

△ Young commanders saved the nation.

The reason a large-scale firefight did not occur on December 12th was not due to the solidarity of the Hanahoe (a group of elite military officers), but because field commanders, exercising 'common sense judgment,' refused illegal troop deployment and armed conflict. Out of 450 officers in the Capital Defense Command, only 60 followed the orders of Commander Jang Tae-wan. This is evidence that the dichotomy of 'Junta government forces versus Chun Doo-hwan's rebel forces' is a fabrication. December 12th had the strong characteristic of an anti-subversion operation that prevented illegal troop deployment within the military.

Inyohan, former interim leader of the People Power Party, was reportedly asked for a referral fee after being offered 300 million won if he became a 5.18 merit recipient, but he firmly refused, stating, "I only served as an interpreter during 5.18 and have no reason to apply for merit recipient status." This is cited as an example that proves how distorted the 5.18 democratization movement is. The photo shows Inyohan, during his tenure, laying a wreath at the memorial for the missing at the National 5.18 Cemetery in Buk-gu, Gwangju, in October 2023. Yonhap News.△ Political Framework Obscured the Truth

The reason this incident became entrenched in the "coup d'état" framework was not due to historical scholarship but due to political intervention. The Kim Young-sam administration's "Restoration of History" was an approach centered on political revenge, not research. It prioritized media frameworks over court records, and the principle of "moral judgment" took precedence over historical sources and facts.

As a result, a one-sided and distorted narrative was created where Kim Jae-gyu became a democratization hero, and Chun Doo-hwan became a demon. This was historical distortion carried out for political purposes by Kim Young-sam to overcome obstacles related to his slush fund. As argued by Dr. Ji Man-won, "The political trials of 'Restoring History' were more chaotic and reckless than a construction site, resembling a people's tribunal."

The structural flaws that arise when politics intervenes in history lead to the following consequences:

First, selective interpretation and erasure of facts occur. Second, history is transformed into a weapon for witch hunts under the guise of morality. Third, confusion arises in the standards of national strategy and national memory.

While regimes can change every five years, history remains unchanged and flows continuously. However, the moment political power instrumentalizes history, history degenerates into a means of power struggle. This is also evidenced by the literati purges (sahwa) that brought about bloody turmoil during the Joseon Dynasty.

△ December 12th must return to the Facts.

December 12th was a military-historical event that occurred during a period of confusion in the military command structure in 1979, in response to non-compliance with the investigation of the assassination of the head of state, and during the deployment of illegal troops. The problem's root lies in overlaying the political struggle framework of the 1990s onto this event.

What is now needed is not revenge or emotional response, but the restoration of facts and historical balance. Senior reporter Kim Yong-sam's presentation accurately identified the starting point. As a debater, I fully agree with that direction, diagnosis, and evaluation.

4th Anniversary Commemorative Academic Event for President Chun Doo-hwan. / Photo: Provided by Dr. Ju Eun-sik

Pointing Out the Facts of the December 12th Incident and Historical Distortion... "The Problem of Correcting the 'Moral Frame' of the Current Generation."

Rebuttals to anticipated questions.

1. "But arresting a superior (General) by a Commander is insubordination, isn't it?"

　　→ It was the exercise of legal authority by the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, not insubordination.

2. "Wasn't December 12th triggered by the expansion of the Hanahoe's power base?"

    → This is a political frame that intentionally mixes the Hanahoe narrative with the essence of the incident (fact), namely the investigation.

3. "Are the suspicions about Chief of Staff Jung Seung-hwa's actions mere speculation or unilateral interpretation?"

    → The three modifications to the testimony transcripts and the discussions on troop deployment are all facts recorded in court documents and historical materials.

4. "Isn't it an overly political interpretation to call Minister Noh Jae-hyun cowardly?"

    → His actual actions at the time, such as fleeing, seeking refuge at the US Army base, and failing to respond to calls, are recorded in historical materials.

５. "The majority of academics consider December 12th a coup, so are you saying the majority of academics are wrong?"

    → It should be seen not as 'academics' but as a result of the '1990s political framework overriding the academic sphere.'

6. "What is the basis for claiming that lawyers in the civic sector made Kim Jae-gyu a hero of democracy?"

    → It was a 'strategic shift in the trial process after overturning testimony and utilizing the democratization narrative.'

7. "Should December 12th and 5.18 be viewed completely separately?"

    → They must be viewed separately. December 12th was an incident during a military investigation in 1979, and 5.18 was a case of political mobilization and systemic conflict in 1980.

8. "Since Chun Doo-hwan became president, wasn't it ultimately a power grab?"

    → There is a principle in historical studies that ex post (the outcome) cannot redefine ex ante (the action).

9. "What was the US's judgment at the time?"

　　→ The US's position was one of 'stability priority.' Initially, it was viewed as an issue of 'internal discipline' based on the principle of non-interference in internal affairs.

10. "Why are these issues being raised again now? Is there historical utility?"

    → Correcting historical distortion is the restoration of modern strategic culture and a matter of correcting the 'moral framing' of the current generation.

The weight of death was different for the 27 soldiers and police officers who lost their lives protecting citizens' lives and property from armed rioters during the May 18th Uprising in 1980. Not a single government official attended the memorial ceremony to remember and honor the noble sacrifices of those who died valiantly suppressing the armed rebellion. As the riot transformed into a democratization movement, the names of those who died fighting at the nation's call gradually faded into the abyss of memory. Although forgotten by the general public, their families and former comrades visit the memorial to offer incense with grief and vow to uncover the truth. The year after 5.18, in 1981, the Supreme Court ruled the martial law troops' actions as 'riot suppression.' However, 16 years later, in 1997, the Supreme Court made the opposite judgment, calling it a 'state rebellion.' Furthermore, in December 2020, the Moon Jae-in administration changed the status of 22 deceased martial law troops to 'honorable deaths.' Despite being killed by bullets fired by rioters, their status was lowered to that of deaths during official duty, comparable to traffic accidents. The photo shows attendees singing the national anthem at the 11th Memorial Ceremony for Military and Police Casualties of the May 18th Uprising held at the National Cemetery Memorial Hall in Dongjak-gu, Seoul, on May 18th last year. The ceremony, organized by the 5.18 Military and Police Honor Restoration Committee and hosted by the Alliance of National Defense Veterans, was held to console the souls of the 27 individuals buried in plots 28 and 29 of the National Cemetery and to call for the restoration of honor for the fallen soldiers and police. Reporter Huh Kyum.

"Regret and self-blame for not being able to inter remains for 4 years"... "While procedural democracy is important, preventing the collapse of the system must take precedence."

Before the first part of the ceremony, Choi Jong-dae, former Chairman of the Alliance of National Defense Veterans, stated, "It has already been four years since President Chun Doo-hwan left us, but I feel regret and self-blame that his remains still cannot be interred. This is because some of our citizens have a distorted view of history and engage in actions contrary to common sense."

Choi continued, "The citizens who worked hard in the 1970s and 80s recognize the former president who acted boldly for national development, even while being criticized, with the belief that all matters would be left to historical evaluation by posterity. However, those who believe they were disadvantaged or harmed due to differing opinions unconditionally deny all of his achievements and ridicule him. It is regrettable that arrogance, claiming to be the only righteous ones, prejudice against history, and arrogance that disregards others are rampant."

Lee Dong-bok, former member of the National Assembly and former head of the North-South Dialogue Office, summarized the deceased's life and achievements, stating, "Our society's sentiment tends to focus on faults rather than achievements, stemming from the remnants of outdated conservative thought. We also show an overly harsh attitude towards former leaders, and the deceased was the biggest victim of such distorted sentiments."

He added, "The truth about the 5.18 incident itself remains an unresolved historical task, and the truth about the deceased's responsibility for the incident also remains a homework assignment. While upholding procedural democracy is a more important value, preventing the collapse of the system had to take precedence, as evidenced by the deceased's words testifying to the desperate crisis shared by those in charge at the time."

Retired Army General Kim Jae-chang also expressed his shame and regret: "We are ashamed and regretful of our current state, unable to fulfill your simple dying wish to be buried on a hill overlooking North Korea. Although it may take some time, we will surely achieve and complete it."

The shocking fact that armed rioters in May 1980 tied up a martial law soldier with a rope and dragged him behind a truck was revealed for the first time through multiple internal military documents. This soldier was found dead and his body was later handed over to the martial law forces. While there were accounts of impure elements or armed rioters participating in the mutilation of martial law soldiers' bodies during the Gwangju incident, this was the first time that the military authorities had preserved direct eyewitness testimony from martial law soldiers in documentary records. These documents were highly restricted in access, and most citizens were unaware of the existence of such gruesome records. Notably, this incident was witnessed by multiple citizens as well as martial law soldiers, but there were indications that the democratization movement demanded the destruction of these documents. This raises fundamental questions about the appropriateness of past government investigation methods that solely interpreted events as a "democratization movement," disregarding the existence of official government records and the diversity of historical interpretations. The documents include the cover and key testimony pages of a handwritten statement by Ham Deok-seon, a Lieutenant Colonel and Chief of Operations for the 20th Division, and the body of Private Lee Gwan-hyeong of the 7th Special Forces Brigade, who was found dead and handed over to martial law troops (bottom right, yellow square). Source: Defense Security Command · Army History Research Office.

Reporter Huh Kyum