Former United Progressive Party lawmaker Lee Seok-ki [Photo=Yonhap News]

When considering the South Korean left, the phrase "tip of the iceberg" comes to mind. It's not that anyone would believe that the appearance of Juche ideologue Lee Seok-ki, a former member of the United Progressive Party, on the surface was the entirety of the iceberg. The author was convinced of this through their investigation into the roots of the South Korean left and their descendants.

Kim Young-hwan, who founded the Revolutionary Workers' Party (Minhyukdang), harbored doubts about the North Korean regime and dismantled the party himself. However, individuals who opposed this dissolution survived and formed the Gyeonggi Eastern Alliance. Kim Young-hwan estimated that there were approximately 300,000 Juche followers in South Korea who idolized the Kim Il-sung family.

The Unseen Pervasiveness of the 'South Korean Workers' Party' Overlooked by Kim Young-hwan 

At that meeting, the author asked Kim Young-hwan the following question:

"Besides Juche followers, are there other leftists who follow Kim Il-sung's line? If so, what is their scale?"

However, Kim Young-hwan, seemingly having had no contact with other leftist groups apart from Juche followers, replied, "There probably aren't any."

When the author met Kim Young-hwan, they had already reviewed materials from the Yeosu Rebellion to the overall suppression of the partisans. At that time, they had also grasped how many leftists were hiding in the Honam and Yeongnam regions, centered around Jirisan.

Figures like Ryu Nak-jin, the grandfather of actor Moon Geun-young, were Jirisan partisans who surrendered during General Paik Sun-yup's suppression operations. By inference, Kim Young-hwan was merely a purely academic Juche follower and was unaware of how extensively the roots of the South Korean left were intertwined. This was due to his not studying the history of the South Korean Workers' Party (Namrodang).

The author's hometown is Gochang, Jeollabuk-do, near Bulgapsan in Yeonggwang-gun. This area also suffered considerable damage from partisan activities. On Bulgapsan in Bulgap-myeon, Yeonggwang-gun, there was the 5th District Bulgap Branch Party, which was under the jurisdiction of the partisan 전남북 (Jeonnam-Buk). At that time, the chairman of the Bulgap Branch Party was Kim Yong-woo, and the commander of the Bulgap partisans was Park Jeong-hyeon; both were former partisans.

The forces gathered on Bulgapsan at that time included parts of the Hampyeong County Party, Yeonggwang County Party, and Jangseong County Party, a portion of the Mokpo City Party, a portion of the Muan County Party, as well as Wando, Jindo, Seonaju, and surrounding island areas.

It is reported that approximately 2,500 people gathered on Bulgapsan at that time. The training ground for armed struggle was in the front yard of Yongcheonsa Temple, and facilities for securing and milling grain were prepared on the mountain behind, establishing the living base of the Bulgap District Detachment.

According to testimonies from locals and survivors of that period, the majority were armed forces following leftist activists, and some were civilians with leftist sympathies.

The Missing 2,500 Partisans: Where Did They Go? 

To suppress communists throughout the country, including in mountainous areas, the South Korean government established the 11th Division of the Army on October 2, 1950, in Samrangjin, Gyeongnam. The division commander was Brigadier General Choi Deok-shin.

Following this plan, the 20th Regiment of the 11th Division, with its headquarters at Gwangju Girls' Middle School on October 15, 1950, deployed its 1st Battalion for operations in the Damyang area, the 2nd Battalion for operations in the Jangseong and Hampyeong areas, and the 3rd Battalion, along with some companies from the 2nd Battalion, for suppression operations in the Naju region. This operational structure was known as the 'Daeboreum Operation'.

Through this 'Daeboreum Operation,' the partisans in the Bulgapsan area were almost completely annihilated, and the remaining forces advanced towards Gunsan. (In Lee Tae's 'Southern Army,' his girlfriend conveyed a message to Seonyowon that she was going to Gunsan.)

In the author's hometown of Gonyu-ri, suppression forces also descended. These were troops from the 6th Company of the 3rd Battalion of the 20th Regiment of the 11th Division. The National Army gathered all the villagers in the rice paddies in front of the village and threatened to shoot everyone if the pursuing National Army suffered any casualties.

However, the partisans abandoned the engagement and fled. The author's grandparents and the other villagers were all unharmed. The National Army then proceeded through Gong-eum-myeon into Hae-ri Sangha, Simwon.

According to the father's testimony, who was dragged away and suffered hardships as a designated victim for slaughter during the partisans' retreat, a considerable number went in the direction of Gunsan. However, the National Army's actions thereafter ended at Simwon.

This was a far cry from the rumors that at one time, 20,000 sympathizers had gathered around Yongcheonsa Temple on Bulgapsan, to the extent that they even used North Korean currency. The number of casualties was also small, around several hundred. Where did the 2,500 armed partisans, and the several times that number of civilians with leftist leanings, all go?

We Must Build a True Republic of Korea Through a Second Military-Police Suppression 

There is only one answer. We must assume they hid their identities and went into hiding among civilians or in temples. The partisans who killed our neighbors with sharpened bamboo spears and buried them alive. From the fact that these civilians with leftist leanings all disappeared without a trace, we must analyze the reality coolly.

If we consider how many descendants of partisans, like Oh Jong-ryeol of the Pan-Korean Alliance for Reunification (Pomminryon), were latent behind Lee Seok-ki, we can understand the current situation. Therefore, Lee Seok-ki is only the tip of the iceberg.

Now, we must identify and expose the "redness" of our era by targeting the entire spectrum referred to as the Democratic Party and the left. First, the targets are the five organizations deemed traitorous (Minjatong, Pomminryon, Pan-Korean Federation for National Reunification and Cooperation, etc.), the Democratic Party politicians who abstained or voted against the motion to approve Lee Seok-ki's arrest, and the religious and educational circles and farmer organizations that have been calling for the withdrawal of US troops and the abolition of the National Security Law.

Lee Seok-ki is a recognized figure among 5.18 May victims. That's not all. There are countless elements of rebellion involved in 5.18. 5.18 has been transformed into a breeding ground for the left.

We must use this incident as an opportunity to commence a 'military-police suppression' once again. To achieve this, the patriotic forces of the Republic of Korea must unite. The suppression must continue until they flee, just as they did to Gunsan or the North in the past, and disappear without a trace at some point. The end of this suppression will be when we build a true Republic of Korea and soar towards the world.

◆ Jeong Jae-hak, Poet

Poet, National Merit Recipient, Columnist, Park Chung-hee Presidential Public Relations Committee Member, 36 years of teaching in Jeolla Province