Two words have shaken the 21st-century world order. One is 'globalism,' the other is 'PC-ism.' The massive current of integration transcending borders and cultures, while appearing as human progress on the surface, has gradually eroded national sovereignty and freedom. Freedom of expression was suppressed in the name of 'political correctness,' and elections and systems were swayed by the hands of unseen forces (the deep state). Both the United States and South Korea have experienced the undermining of the foundations of democracy amidst this massive wave.

Now, President Trump of the United States in Washington and former President Yoon Suk-yeol of South Korea in prison are posing the same question:

"How can we break the chains of globalism and the deep state that have eroded democracy?"

The "de facto martial law" declared by President Trump in Washington D.C. recently was not merely a public order measure. It was a war of liberation from the globalist and deep state powers that had taken root and parasitized the capital. The U.S. capital is more than just an administrative center; it is the heart where power is reproduced through financial, media, legal, and political networks. Trump directly targeted this, seeking to re-establish the fundamental value of democracy: "the restoration of law and order."

The old media, which calls itself legacy but is in reality outdated, claimed that "Washington's crime rate has reached an all-time low," but this was a distortion of reality. In fact, in 2023, the homicide rate in Washington D.C. was 40.9 per 100,000 people, significantly higher than Mexico City (around 8-10) and Bogota (around 15.6). Although it decreased somewhat in 2024, it remained at 27.3. If D.C. were a state, it would have recorded the highest murder rate in the United States. This goes beyond simple crime statistics; it is a consequence of the collapse of community foundations and institutional trust. What Trump targeted with his quasi-martial law measures was precisely this parasitic structure of the deep state.

South Korea is not free from this structure either. Former President Yoon Suk-yeol did not fully recognize the damages of globalism in the early stages of his administration. However, in a letter sent to former U.S. Ambassador to Korea, Mark Lippert, from prison, he defined globalism as "a giant vested interest cartel that buries nations, sovereignty, and freedom." The 'vested interest cartel' he spoke of is no different from the power network commonly called the deep state today. Although a late awakening, its significance is by no means small. 

South Korean society suffers from a critical problem of distrust in its electoral system and the deep state structure, which means the collapse of democracy. The experiences of the two countries overlap, as South Korea is facing the exact same crisis that Trump encountered in the 2020 presidential election.

Adding to this is the presence of China, the biggest beneficiary of globalism. Within the globalization system, China has accumulated immense wealth and influence through manufacturing, technology, and exports. However, this was not the product of fair competition but an unequal prosperity permitted by globalism and the deep state. Trump's declaration of a trade war with China and Yoon Suk-yeol's belated pointing out of the dangers of globalism were ultimately acts sharing the same front.

Today's ROK-U.S. alliance can no longer be explained solely by military and economic calculations. It is also a solidarity of values arising from the awakening of two individuals facing epochal challenges. President Trump declared war against globalism and the deep state at the heart of Washington's power, while former President Yoon Suk-yeol, belatedly but surely, faced the essence of that system from prison. Although their paths differed, they ultimately arrived at the same destination: a commitment to protect national sovereignty, restore free elections, and revive the foundations of democracy—law and order.

Trump's "modernization of the alliance" should be understood in this context. It is not about defense cost-sharing or military restructuring, but about rebuilding an alliance of values against globalism, the deep state, PC-ism, and election fraud. The de facto martial law in Washington and the prison letter from Seoul pose the same question in different ways:

"Whose is democracy? And who will protect it?"

Therefore, if Trump were to turn away from Yoon Suk-yeol, it would mean losing not just an individual, but a comrade who could fight alongside him on the front lines of East Asia. Conversely, if Yoon Suk-yeol's awakening is embraced as an alliance of values, the ROK and the U.S. can become two pillars of a global liberal solidarity against the offensives of globalism and the deep state. The war of liberation that began in Washington will extend through Seoul to all of Asia, and it will be recorded as a new narrative for the liberal democratic camp of the 21st century.

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