First, I offer my respects to President Lee Jae-myung. I hope you are well. I am writing this letter because a spontaneous remark you made during your 100-day press conference has continued to weigh on my mind.

You stated, "There is a clear hierarchy of power in the Republic of Korea. The highest power is the people, popular sovereignty, and directly elected power, then indirectly elected power." You further asserted, "The National Assembly has received the delegation of sovereignty most directly from the people, and it is the legislative branch's authority to design the state system." You then added, "The judiciary makes judgments according to the constitution and conscience within the framework established by the legislature, and the structure of the judiciary is not determined by the judiciary itself."

While you phrased it eloquently, to put it crudely, it means: The President and the National Assembly are directly elected. But isn't the judiciary indirectly elected? In other words, "Say something nice and stay in your lane." The moment I heard these remarks, I was unable to contain my surprise. Two questions immediately came to mind.

Firstly, President Lee, you exhibit a profound lack of basic understanding regarding why the separation of powers exists in a democratic government. Or are you feigning ignorance?

Alexander Hamilton, a politician who made a decisive contribution to the framing of the U.S. Constitution, is often called a Founding Father. His greatest concern when drafting the Constitution was how to prevent the monopolization of power by a select few. In this regard, he pointed out the following in his co-authored work, 'The Federalist Papers':

"The people are incessantly tempted by the intrigues of ambitious and designing men, by the artifices of the greedy and factious, by the machinations of those who are distrusted more than they deserve, and by the conspiracies of those who, pursuing the objects of their own ambition, mask their intentions with a falsity which betrays their real purpose."

It is difficult to find another political science textbook that so sharply dissects the nature of politics and power. Therefore, the solution Hamilton found after much deliberation was to "counteract ambition with ambition." This is the background behind the U.S. Constitution's thorough pursuit of power distribution, and the creation of a system where mutual desires for power check and balance each other.

It is a mistake to believe that the Chief Justice will always resolve national conflicts based on conscience and law. It is a mistake to believe that the President will always administer justice for the nation's peace and stability. Both the Chief Justice and the President are often individuals who seek the monopoly and manipulation of trust rather than deserving it.

It is when the executive and judicial branches constantly clash and check each other, thereby achieving a balance, that the lives of our citizens become secure. "Counteract ambition with ambition." This is Hamilton's earnest teaching. In present-day Korea, the manipulation aimed at one party's ambition to dismantle another's and monopolize the world is evident. It is ominous.

The second point is even more critical. If the President is to establish a hierarchy of power, he must first secure the legitimacy of his qualification to be President. If he were elected through fraudulent means, he would have no right to even discuss the national hierarchy, let alone possess the legality or legitimacy of being President.

Former President Yoon Suk-yeol, in relation to allegations of election fraud, is enduring immense hardship under the full-scale assault of the leftist forces following the declaration of martial law as a last resort to search the National Election Commission. The cruel acts perpetrated by the leftists against President Yoon are nothing short of surgical procedures aimed at permanently erasing the word "election fraud" from the minds of the people.

President Yoon clearly stated, "Any political force is bound to consider the voters' sentiments, making it difficult to continue egregious acts of wickedness. However, if one is confident that they can secure parliamentary seats as planned or take over executive power through election manipulation, what would they not do?"

Gordon Chang, a lawyer and close associate of U.S. President Trump, also criticized, "In all democracies, fraud occurs occasionally. However, the difference in Korea is that those who should prevent fraud, those who should monitor elections, are involved in the fraud."

Of course, there are many who deny election fraud. Therefore, those who claim election fraud might be mistaken. The more this is the case, the more it is necessary to thoroughly investigate the issue of election fraud and establish the truth. If the theory of election fraud is proven wrong in that process, then the proponents of election fraud and I must bear corresponding legal responsibilities.

Conversely, what would you do if election fraud has been perpetrated in this land for a long time? The moment the truth is revealed, the President will lose his legality and legitimacy as President. Naturally, discussions about the hierarchy of power, direct and indirect elections, would end up as mere jokes. If the President wishes to prove the legality and legitimacy of his remarks, the more necessary it will be to unearth the truth.

Is it not said that "a nation cannot stand without trust" (無信不立)? If we wish for justice to flow like a river in this land, one of the two must be punished by law and imprisoned. This is what happened during the Syngman Rhee administration. On March 15, 1960, after the vice-presidential election was revealed to be fraudulent, Minister of Home Affairs Choi In-kyu was sentenced to death. Lee Ki-poong, the Vice President, committed suicide.

I will be glad if my claims are proven false. Because I will be able to be confident that this country stands on solid ground. And I will willingly go to prison. If the opposite is true, then not only President Lee Jae-myung but also all past chairpersons of the National Election Commission will need to prepare themselves. I will be waiting.

Lee Shin-woo, Former Editorial Writer for the Munhwa Ilbo & Author of 'Election Fraud and Traitors'