In the novel ‘Les Misérables’, the protagonist Jean Valjean steals a loaf of bread to feed his starving nieces and nephews. However, for this act of theft, he is imprisoned for a staggering 19 years. The novel ‘Daejang-dong’ is the exact opposite. Recently, the Lee Jae-myung administration has legally permitted those accused of crimes in the Daejang-dong case to steal hundreds of billions of won. According to some accounts, the amount reaches approximately 600 to 700 billion won.

  That's not all. The elaborations of Lee Jae-myung, the author of the novel ‘Daejang-dong,’ are astonishing. On the 31st of last month, Lee Jae-myung's name appeared 390 times in the first-instance ruling of the Daejang-dong case. However, with the withdrawal of the appeal, there are assessments that “President Lee Jae-myung has been cleared of Daejang-dong charges.” This suggests that the backbone of the national legal system has been broken for the sake of one individual, the President.

  This President, separately indicted from private developers in the Daejang-dong case and undergoing his first-instance trial, had his trial proceedings suspended after taking office. It was a critical situation where the President’s trial could be shaken depending on how the private developers, particularly Kim Man-bae, opened their mouths. Some speculate that the President might have appeased a specific individual by withdrawing the appeal, in exchange for favorable testimony.

  The heroic act of Justice Minister Jeong Seong-ho during this appeal withdrawal process has also become a topic of discussion. He will be a historical precedent of loyalty. On the 10th, he confessed that he had conveyed his opinion to the prosecution, stating, “I conveyed to the Supreme Prosecutors' Office an opinion to make a careful judgment considering various circumstances.” Minister Jeong, without following the legal procedures to direct the appeal withdrawal to Acting Prosecutor General Noh Man-seok, issued an ex parte investigative directive. This is said to be a violation of the Prosecutors' Office Act and an abuse of power. If a special prosecution is initiated in the next administration, will Minister Jeong continue to claim, “It was my sole decision”? A historical investigation into loyalty will proceed.

  Of course, it is unlikely that Minister Jeong acted alone. The opposition party is already vociferously stating, “President Lee Jae-myung's demand,” and “Could such a thing happen without the President's influence?” Indeed, this is not the only political commotion. Since President Lee Jae-myung's administration, instances of the erosion and collapse of the rule of law have been occurring throughout South Korean society. The collapse of the legal system that underpins a democratic government is already enough to make President Lee difficult to forgive.

  The Lee Jae-myung administration prides itself on being elected president by the people's vote. Perhaps because of this, they seem to treat South Korea's legal order as they please, as if they have been granted divine right. A democratic system follows the principle of majority rule, and since President Lee Jae-myung secured a majority of votes in the last national election, it might appear that way at first glance. However, the principle of majority rule is by no means a divine law.

  Suppose any president attempts to establish an absolute monarchy by arbitrarily destroying or manipulating the nation's legal system. Does the fact that he was elected through a popular vote mean that the people have sanctioned his tyrannical rule? Should his coercive orders be considered legitimate because they are the ultimate product of the people's vote? Furthermore, President Lee Jae-myung and the current National Assembly are already subject to the suspicion of a majority of the public regarding their election process and legitimacy.

  A democratic system follows the principle of majority rule. However, when we vote, we do not agree that a majority can establish a dictatorship or destroy democratic procedures. On that specific matter, the majority cannot have superiority over the minority. We never agreed to cooperate or follow anything other than a liberal democratic system from the outset.

  When did the people consent to a dictatorial system that departs from a democratic government through a national election? If they are pursuing some other agenda that has not been disclosed to us, then that dictator has obtained our support through lies. They have exceeded the original contract. Therefore, we are no longer obligated or justified in tolerating their political decisions and actions.

  The essence of representative democracy is entrusting the government and the National Assembly with the exercise of power to achieve the goals of maintaining the lives of society's members and the conditions necessary for social life. The reason for the existence of a democratic system is to ensure that its members possess and exercise the means to satisfy their desires, and to promote their enjoyment of those means.

  Only for the maintenance of these principles can the submission of the minority to the majority be accepted. Not beyond that. The current Lee Jae-myung administration is trampling on the existing legal system for its own dictatorship and to escape criminal charges. Finally, they are beginning to interfere with the people's freedom. They are crossing the line of a liberal democratic system. They are violating the national consensus. They must rightfully be rejected. Therefore, we must demand Lee Jae-myung's resignation with integrity.

  President Lee Jae-myung, step down. You no longer exist for the sake of our people. If you must go, leave behind 700 billion won before you do.

Lee Shin-woo, Former Editorial Writer for Munhwa Ilbo & Author of ‘Election Fraud and Traitors’