U.S. President Trump's remarks, "Let each country secure its own oil," are not a mere warning. They are closer to a declaration of the U.S.'s intention to no longer bear the costs of global security on behalf of others.

The U.S.-centric international order maintained since World War II is undergoing structural changes. Allies have entered a phase where they must bear the costs of these changes themselves.

The shift in the U.S. stance is not accidental. Following the shale revolution, the U.S. has secured its energy self-sufficiency, reducing its incentive to invest heavily in Middle Eastern stability.

In the past, the structure was such that the U.S. was responsible for the security of its allies. Now, the scope of protection provided to allies not aligned with U.S. interests is limited. The public criticism of the UK and France is in the same vein. The era of the U.S. security umbrella being automatically provided is already drawing to a close.

In this situation, the choice for Korea is clear. Instead of hesitating or avoiding decisions, we must reorganize our strategy to reduce structural vulnerabilities and secure new opportunities. First, we need to reflect on the causes of discord so far and transition cooperation with the U.S. to a more substantial form.

Strengthening Maritime Security Capabilities for the Protection of Overseas Vessels and Citizens

President Trump has declared the early termination of the Hormuz operation and stated that the U.S. will effectively step away from the Middle East waters. Although the U.S.-led strait stabilization operation has disappeared, the risks in the region have not.

The Strait of Hormuz remains a critical choke point for Korea's oil and gas transportation, and maritime instability directly impacts our economy and industry. What is now needed is to strengthen our maritime security capabilities to protect our vessels.

Unmanned systems capable of securing maritime control without human casualties, autonomous navigation technology, and long-range surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities will be core assets in future maritime security.

Securing these technological foundations for our own maritime security at an early stage, and reducing our dependence on the Middle East through strategies such as △utilizing Arctic shipping routes △full operation of nuclear power plants △small modular reactors (SMRs) △and hydrogen-based energy transition are essential strategies for long-term stability.

Realigning Realistic Alliances Based on Common Interests

Ultimately, President Trump's remarks are akin to a demand for Korea to strengthen its security capabilities and redesign the win-win structure with the U.S. This is a time that calls for realistic alliances based on common interests, not emotional ones.

As the international order rapidly realigns, Korea must enhance its cooperation with the U.S. while simultaneously developing its own capabilities. Nations must embrace their unavoidable destinies.

The current environment presents us with both opportunities and risks. Strengthening ties with the U.S. can ensure stability in both security and economy. However, in a situation where we cannot surpass the U.S. without independent capabilities, attempting to distance ourselves from the U.S., including concerning the transfer of wartime operational control, will only increase uncertainty across diplomacy, security, and the economy.

Diversification Policy for the Energy Structure from an Economic Security Perspective

The Strait of Hormuz is a key global oil transit route and a strategic lifeline through which most of Korea's oil imports pass. Instability in this region poses a structural risk that threatens national survival. Indeed, regional tensions alone have caused financial markets to fluctuate, the won's value to falter, and simultaneously pressured the economy with high inflation, high exchange rates, and high interest rates.

This has demonstrated that economic security, where energy, logistics, components, and finance are interconnected like a single circuit, is as important as military security.

Investing directly in U.S. energy infrastructure, such as shale gas fields and LNG terminals, to become part of the supply chain signifies strategic solidarity beyond a simple buyer-seller relationship. This would enhance our resilience against energy price fluctuations and help stabilize the Korean won within the dollar-centric financial system.

By creating a structure where the value of U.S. energy assets rises in tandem with international oil prices, we can resolve the dual burden of energy costs and financial instability.

Developing a Multi-faceted Security Strategy Aligned with Evolving Warfare Dynamics

The wars in Russia-Ukraine and Iran have shown that low-cost drones can neutralize high-cost weaponry, and that precision strike, electronic warfare, and AI-based weapons have moved to the forefront of warfare. We too must urgently prepare for new warfare dynamics, including battlefield awareness, drone and AI capabilities, and electronic warfare and interception systems.

This is not merely about augmenting military power but a structural transformation for national survival. As we strengthen cooperation with the U.S. and the international environment rapidly changes, we must diversify diplomatic channels to distribute risks and enhance our negotiating power.

The military and security apparatus are not politicians. They must be strategists who judge and execute strategies for national survival. We must firmly maintain deterrence and combat readiness, and make professional judgments free from political calculations and influences.

The ROK-U.S. alliance must be maintained through accurate information and consistent strategy. We must cease anti-national security wrangling and military undermining, and rectify the chain of command.

The military must strive to foster a strong force capable of winning in the transformed warfare landscape, and the security apparatus must act as security strategists, securing national safety and devising measures to prevent war.

We earnestly hope for a day when the public no longer worries about security.

◆ Park Pil-gyu, Committee Member

Editorial Writer, The Hankyoreh

40th graduating class, Korea Military Academy