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Cho Hyun-wook, Chairman of the Fact-Finding Committee on the Ballot Shortage, is interviewed by Yonhap News reporters at the Legal Center in Seocho-gu, Seoul, on the 19th. [Yonhap News]
The interview with Cho Hyun-wook, Chairman of the Central Election Commission's Fact-Finding Committee, published on the 21st by Yonhap News, is expected to further strengthen the agenda of 'eradication of election fraud' by revealing the limitations of 'managed fact-finding' within the institutional framework.
Although Yonhap News published a strong headline superficially, "Ballot shortage, a dark history in constitutional history... Legalizing audits of the Election Commission," the chairman's perception revealed in the actual interview created a significant disconnect with that of ordinary patriotic citizens trying to defend the ballot boxes at the Jamsil Olympic Park Handball Gymnasium. This has led to accusations that the committee's activities are proving to be merely a "storm in a teacup" within the institutional framework, as has been feared.
For instance, questions are being raised about the results achieved by the committee over the 10 days leading up to the 19th. Even if this matter were to be examined in the distant future, would the final conclusion of the Fact-Finding Committee, that the ballot shortage incident was a comprehensive failure, and the recommendation for an investigation into the Chairman of the National Election Commission, Roh Tae-ak, solely for responsibility for that failure, be sufficient? It is a sharp critique that the flawed judgment, which categorizes a crime as a mere failure, may have concealed the culprits behind it.
Specifically, the significant temperature difference between Chairman Cho's perception of abolishing early voting and dissolving the Election Commission and that of the general conservative public, along with his critical remarks on election fraud theories, stating they are a "major societal problem," is expected to further empower public opinion that the exercise of national resistance is unavoidable for the eradication of election fraud at a more fundamental level.
Concerns are at play that reforms attempted by those in power invariably lead to dire conclusions by excluding unfavorable aspects. In short, critics point out that appointing someone who may still be considered an "conspiracy theorist" who claims that election fraud did not occur as the chairman of the fact-finding committee is a sly move, merely a 'framing' to divert the flow of angry public sentiment outwardly while internally leading to a predetermined conclusion.
This is identical to the conclusion-drawing methods of past left-leaning governments, where individuals recognized for their contributions to the May 18th Gwangju Uprising served as chairpersons of fact-finding committees, concluding that there were no 'fake May 18th honorees.'
Concerns were widespread from the outset of the fact-finding committee's formation that it would not reach a predetermined conclusion. This was because there was a strong possibility that the conclusion would involve downplaying the issue, similar to how judges who were former Election Commission members, linked to legal cartels, have repeatedly issued rulings dismissing clear evidence of election fraud, while the committee ostensibly pursued fact-finding. It was also akin to not entrusting the core role of national science to someone who claims that it's possible to flip a coin 10,000 times and have it land on heads every time, and that such an event is common.
However, Chairman Cho led the fact-finding committee, appointed upon the recommendation of the Korean Bar Association, for 10 days until the 19th. While some citizens once harbored a sliver of hope for the committee's activities, it has once again made the public acutely aware of the reality that managed reform only serves to downplay the issue and cannot lead to fundamental change.
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The current interview has led to laments that it was unrealistic from the start to expect a committee headed by someone who doesn't even grasp the concept of election fraud to properly investigate the seriousness of the problem.
Some also attribute the fundamental problem in Chairman Cho's perception to his statement about 'the level of dissolving the Election Commission.' While his words may sound plausible, the conclusion can differ greatly based on the fact that there would be no alternative if it were actually dissolved.
Patriotic citizens engaged in the 'eradication of election fraud' movement view the reform of the Election Commission to the level of dissolution, versus its actual dissolution, as differing significantly in two main aspects.
First, the statement that there is no alternative if the Election Commission is dissolved is pointed out as reflecting Chairman Cho's lack of learning regarding the innovative suggestions previously made. These suggestions involve breaking down the election management system into the minimal necessary number of public officials, similar to the Taiwanese model, and conducting hand counts, instead of focusing solely on the functional and role-based limitations of a behemoth Election Commission with 3,000 incompetent and dishonest employees.
Despite the presentation of system improvement plans, the result of intellectuals and opinion leaders turning a blind eye with the dire perception that "election fraud theories are a major problem" has led to the current situation, yet he remains unaware of the seriousness of the matter. This is a painful reprimand, asking how one can prescribe a solution without understanding the cause. A considerable portion of public sentiment expresses dismay, stating that with even a little attention, one could learn of the ingenious solutions for restoring election justice even after dissolving the Election Commission.
Second, unlike reforming the Election Commission to the level of dissolution, the issue of responsibility inevitably arises if it is actually dissolved. Some argue that it is necessary to bring to the forefront the issue of human responsibility for the "supernatural phenomena, both online and offline," that could not possibly occur statistically, scientifically, or physically without human intervention, beyond the mere "incompetence theory" claimed by conspiracy theorists who deny election fraud. This, in turn, would lead to investigations into the higher-ups and punishment of those responsible. It is a point of common sense that if someone tampered with election results, they should be severely punished, not merely disciplined, reprimanded, or let off with a warning and a promise to prevent recurrence.
Naver comments on the Yonhap News article. [Capture]
Netizens: "Framing to downplay the desecration of democracy as a ballot shortage"
Therefore, Chairman Cho Hyun-wook's interview remarks, which talk about "the level of dissolution" but imply there is no alternative if it is actually dissolved, are pointed out as having been fundamentally insufficient from the outset to rectify the dire reality of citizens' suffrage being deprived. Furthermore, the fact-finding committee's actions are merely extinguishing a fire pre-emptively within a controlled environment intended by the administration, like a storm in a teacup, thus reconfirming prior perceptions that it can only serve as a firefighting role.
Sharp criticisms, seemingly having already discerned the committee's activities as a trick, began pouring into the Naver comments on the Yonhap News article, with over 100 comments appearing within just two hours of its publication.
User re*** criticized, "I've seen the framing to downplay the illegal act of desecrating democracy as a ballot shortage. The moment the fairness of an election is compromised, it's election fraud, and the election is invalid." Another user, m**, sharply commented, "Legalizing audits?? Silently closing eyes on the past?? Dissolution is the answer." User in*** lamented, "This is election fraud, committed for at least 10 years, and don't try to escape with strange excuses."
There are also criticisms regarding Chairman Cho Hyun-wook's fundamental perception that "election fraud theories are a major problem." Netizen ho** lamented the reality of ignoring the core issue, stating, "Aren't election fraud theories a problem that can be easily resolved? If the proponents designate 3-4 regions, a simple hand count would suffice to prove it... They absolutely refuse to do it, even if it causes national uproar....."
Netizen hi** emphasized the urgent need for a special prosecutor, saying, "Instead of self-investigation, accept a special prosecutor. With all sorts of special prosecutors, why not have one for this dark history in constitutional history? If the Democratic Party is not an accomplice, a special prosecutor should be immediately implemented."
In response, The Hankook-Ilbo will publish the full text of Chairman Cho Hyun-wook's interview with Yonhap News below for the readers' judgment, while noting in advance that Yonhap News's reporting does not necessarily reflect The Hankook-Ilbo's editorial stance.
Below is the full text of the Yonhap News report.
[Interview] Fact-Finding Committee Chairman: "Ballot Shortage, a Dark History in Constitutional History... Legalize Audits of Election Commission"
"Election Commission Chairman and Standing Members Cannot Say 'We Didn't Know'... Reform to the Level of Dissolution is Necessary"
Cho Hyun-wook on some election fraud theories: "A state of psychological civil war where even legitimate facts are distorted"
Cho Hyun-wook, Chairman of the Central Election Commission's Fact-Finding Committee, criticized the June 3rd local election ballot shortage incident, stating, "It is an event that will remain a dark history in constitutional history."
In an interview with Yonhap News conducted after briefing the results of the Fact-Finding Committee's activities on the 19th, Chairman Cho said, "The Election Commission Chairman is one of the five high-ranking government officials, and standing members are of ministerial rank. It's not right for such individuals to say, 'We didn't know.'"
He advised, "The situation was far more serious than anticipated," adding, "Problems occurred because the Election Commission is outside the scope of external oversight. The Board of Audit and Inspection's duty performance audit scope should include the Election Commission."
Furthermore, regarding the resurgence of election fraud theories triggered by this incident, he diagnosed it as, "Distrust in society is so high that people seem to be in a state of psychological civil war where even legitimate facts are distorted," and urged the National Assembly, which has taken over the baton, to "not use this matter as a tool for political strife, but make it an opportunity for society to take a step forward."
Chairman Cho, a former president of the Korean Women Lawyers Association, led the Fact-Finding Committee, which was independently formed and operated by the Election Commission. He was appointed upon the recommendation of the Korean Bar Association (KBA) and led the committee's activities for 10 days until the 19th.
The following is a Q&A with Chairman Cho.
-- During the 10-day investigation period, what was your primary focus?
▲ Our first priority was fact-checking. We focused on identifying the lack of command and reporting systems and the complacency in situational awareness, as revealed in documents such as the contents of the Songpa-gu Election Commission group chat and the ballots filled out at polling stations. We did our best to ascertain the facts and verify information by meticulously going through the ballots at each polling station to identify any specific issues.
-- How would you describe this incident in one word?
▲ It is an event that will be recorded as a dark history in constitutional history. There can be no ruling or opposition parties involved, nor progressives or conservatives. Something that should never have happened has occurred.
-- Was the problem more serious than you anticipated?
▲ It was much more serious. The Seoul Metropolitan Election Commission was aware of the ballot shortage but did not report it to the National Election Commission at all. Ultimately, they borrowed ballots from nearby polling stations and distributed waiting tickets to those in line, but ultimately 12 people were unable to exercise their right to vote. Amidst this, there were no Election Commission officials at the polling stations, and local government officials were struggling with angry citizens asking, "What is this?" a comprehensive problem occurred. However, no disciplinary recommendations were made for the lower-level employees at the scene. Only for the executives who should be held responsible for this situation were investigation referrals or disciplinary actions recommended.
-- The Election Commission's moral hazard, laxity, and poor operation have also been brought to light.
▲ I believe the problem occurred because the Election Commission is outside the scope of external oversight. Therefore, the Board of Audit and Inspection's duty performance audit scope should include the Election Commission. Although there is an audit committee composed of external auditors and personnel, it is not legislated, so we have also proposed the need for legislation. The Chairman of the National Election Commission is one of the five high-ranking government officials, and standing members are of ministerial rank. It's not right for such individuals to say, 'We didn't know.'
Cho Hyun-wook, Chairman of the Fact-Finding Committee on the Ballot Shortage, is interviewed by Yonhap News reporters at the Legal Center in Seocho-gu, Seoul, on the 19th. [Yonhap News]
-- There were also points raised about an increase in leave of absence among election commission staff ahead of nationwide elections.
▲ Our investigation revealed that about 6% of the total 3,000 Election Commission employees took leave this year. While it is difficult for all Election Commission staff to manage all polling stations, 180 people were absent. However, it is difficult to say that the proportion of leave of absence in the Election Commission is significantly higher compared to other administrative agencies.
-- There are calls from some quarters to abolish the early voting system.
▲ Abolishing the early voting system could significantly simplify the election management process. However, it is implemented solely to expand citizens' right to participate in elections, despite being a cumbersome and difficult procedure. Narrowing the time gap between early voting and the main election could be an alternative. However, conducting the main election over two days would require designating two public holidays, which I do not consider desirable. However, as proposed, it is appropriate to reach a consensus through a public forum.
-- There are also calls for the dissolution of the Election Commission.
▲ I used the expression 'reform to the level of dissolution' with the intention of fundamentally reforming the Election Commission. If the Election Commission were actually dissolved, what alternatives would there be? Which agency could undertake election management? If it were placed under the Ministry of the Interior and Safety or established as an administrative agency, controversies regarding the erosion of independence could escalate further.
-- Election fraud theories are resurfacing due to this incident.
▲ I consider it a major problem in our society. I feel that people are in a state of psychological civil war, where distrust in society is so high that they distort even legitimate facts and simply distrust everything.
-- A parliamentary inquiry is scheduled for the future. What are your hopes?
▲ I hope that this incident will be dealt with based on the facts as they are, rather than being distorted to benefit individual factions and used as a tool for political strife. Rather than bickering and fighting based on partisan logic, we should create an opportunity for our society to take a step forward in its development.
-- Lastly, is there anything you would like to add?
▲ The Election Commission will have nothing to say, even with ten mouths, regarding this incident. The Election Commission also needs to humbly accept the calls for reform.
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