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In August 1945, liberation was a blessing, but also a void. The period of time until order was established in the place of a vanished nation is always dangerous.
During this interim period, the first and decisive error committed by the Korean left, particularly the faction that would later be called the "pro-North left," was the misperception of North Korea as "progressive." This erroneous judgment was the starting point for the political and moral downfall that would span the subsequent 80 years.
Immediately after liberation, the northern part of the Korean Peninsula was placed under Soviet military administration (1945-1948). The Soviet army quickly seized control of the administrative, security, and propaganda systems centered in Pyongyang and prominently introduced Kim Il-sung in October 1945. Kim Il-sung was portrayed as a symbol of anti-Japanese armed struggle, but his actual power was shaped by Soviet military rule and its political backing.
In 1946, the Provisional People's Committee for North Korea was established, and land reform and the nationalization of enterprises were carried out in a short period. These radical measures gave the South Korean left a schematic impression that "the North was progressive, implementing reforms, while the South was reactionary, bound by vested interests."
Kim Il-sung Seized Control of the North... The Problem Was the Nature of Power
The issue was not the speed or form, but the nature of power. The reforms carried out in the North were not premised on pluralistic consensus or citizens' freedoms. Opposition factions were purged, and freedom of the press and association was not permitted.
Between 1946 and 1948, a one-party communist system was effectively completed in the North, and power began to concentrate in the hands of Kim Il-sung personally with the establishment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in September 1948. Despite this, the South Korean left mistook this system for "not an incomplete democracy, but a completed progressive system."
There were two underlying reasons for this misconception. First, the anger stemming from the colonial experience clouded their judgment. Simply because they had opposed Japanese imperialism, authoritarian rule and violent purges were dismissed as "matters of process."
Second, there was a simplification of ideology. As long as the labels of anti-imperialism, anti-Americanism, and anti-capitalism were attached, the suppression of freedom and the annihilation of human rights were pushed aside. The habit of judging progress not by its outcome but by its intent solidified at this time.
The Left Embraced North Korea as a Progressive Model
In South Korea, confusion and conflict continued under the US military government (1945-1948). As left-right confrontation, economic hardship, and security instability overlapped, some on the left envied the "order" in the North. However, that order came at the price of freedom.
The North quickly became a system where power could not be changed through elections, and criticism of power soon became a crime against the state. The choice to embrace North Korea as a model for progress, while ignoring this fact, became the decisive reason why the Korean left distanced itself from democracy thereafter.
After 1948, there were several opportunities to correct this misperception. The Korean War (1950-1953) clearly demonstrated the nature of power in that system.
Despite this, some sought to obscure responsibility for the North Korean invasion or explained the violence as a "historical inevitability." The attitude of not acknowledging the initial misjudgment led to even greater distortions. Once something was labeled "progressive," it was never re-examined, no matter how much evidence accumulated.
Progress is a direction of change, not a license for a particular regime. A system that lacks freedom and responsibility, checks and balances on power, and the rights of citizens is not progressive, regardless of the reforms it undertakes.
The judgment that mistook North Korea for progressive immediately after liberation was not simply a limitation of the era, but a choice that prioritized conviction over facts. Unless this choice is reflected upon, the language of the pro-North left will always fail to explain reality and will be doomed to repeat its failures.
Poet, Historian & Philosopher Researcher

◆ Songsan (송산)
A poet and researcher of history and philosophy, he previously served as a director at the Syngman Rhee Institute and currently works as a research advisor for the Korean Modern and Contemporary History Research Society and as the representative of the philosophical forum Lyceum. He has published four poetry collections and co-translated "The Heroes of Chosin Reservoir." Songsan is a pen name.
This article has 6comments.
I will share this series on my cafe. I will cite the source.
좋은 글 감사합니다...
정치적 격변기의 암울함이 컸던
시절이라 보이고요.
진보라는 고급 단어를 이해하는 구한말
이었다 하더라도.
사실상 답이 없었던 제국주의 시대
라고 생각됍니다.
한국이 희망이 없는 이유는 기득권층의 목적이 나라를 영원히 낙오된 상태로 유지하려는 데 있고 많은 국민이 이런 상황속에 안주하기를 원한다는 것 때문이다. 한마디로 한국인들은 변화와 경쟁을 통해 삶의 질의 향상을 꾀하기 보다는 그저 아무 노력도 안하고 모두가 똑같이 위에서 나눠주는 것이나 받아 먹고 사는 것을 더 선호한다는 것이다. 북한 같은 쌩 지옥이 아무 문제없이 존속할 수 있는 이유도 한국인들의 이러한 수동적이고 퇴보적인 민족성 때문이다. 로마니아의 차우체스쿠는 북한같은 체제를 만들려다 사람들에게 맞아죽었지만 그보다 더한 폭정아래서도 북한 주민들이 말없이 있는 이유를 우리는 체제가 아닌 민족성에서 찾아야 할 것이다. 박정희는 국민들을 독려하고 일깨워서 우리 민족의 이러한 수동적이고 퇴보적인 민족성을 적극적이고 긍정적인 방향으로 개조하려다가 암살을 당했다고 해도 과언이 아닐 만큼, 솔까, 우리민족의 민족성에는 큰 문제가 있음을 자각해야 할 것이다.
이런 수동적이고 퇴보적 경향은 지역에 따라 약간씩 차이가 있는데 전라도가 이런 악평등을 선호하는 경향이 가장 강하고 경상도 사람들, 특히 경상북도 사람들이 가장 덜하며 그래서 대구 출신의 박정희와 그 주변 경상북도 사람들이 사회를 운영하고 있을 때 대한민국이 가장 크게 발전을 했지만 그 산업화 기간 내내 전라도 사람들은 이러한 산업화에 극렬히 저항을 하는 데만 혈안이 되어 있다가 결국 선진화 된 한국 사회의 중심에서 밀려나 버리게 된 것이다.
남의 탓을 할 게 아니라 나라가 이렇게 되도록 김영삼이나 김대중 같은 자들이 이끄는 인간 기생충 집단의 악의적인 거짓말로 가득찬 선동에 쉽게 흔들렸던 우리 민족의 모자란 민족성을 우선 반성해야 할 것이다.
초창기 종북좌파의 성격을 잘 요약 정리해 주셨네요
축하드립니다 정선생님! 항상 따라가겠습니다.